Is the media getting Gaza ceasefire violations right? Each party’s count, side by side
News totals of Gaza ceasefire violations trace to party tallies. What Resolution 2803, the Board of Peace report and each side’s own records show.
87 results for “Incident Data”
News totals of Gaza ceasefire violations trace to party tallies. What Resolution 2803, the Board of Peace report and each side’s own records show.
The one report Resolution 2803 requires says violations occur “on a near daily basis” and gives no total. What each party counts, and why.
Resolution 2803 (2025) endorsed a 20-point plan tying staged Israeli withdrawal to conditions and decommissioning to monitors it never names.
What the Gaza ministry’s own corrections, list fields and a peer-reviewed Lancet estimate record about errors in its published fatality lists.
The ADL defines ZOG as a white supremacist acronym for Jewish control of the US government. A 2022 survey put a related power belief at 20%.
One state has filed a genocide case against Israel; others use the word in motions, speeches and scholarship. The dated record, with Israel’s own counts.
Israel’s own documents name two Gaza war aims: the hostages and Hamas’s military capacity. Its counts, aid record and Knesset vote add detail.
The 1931 census counted 759,712 Moslems among 1,035,821 residents; two founding texts claim the same land as a people’s birthplace.
Four recorded votes on Israel security assistance, 2021 to 2024, the statutes that condition US transfers, and how voters answer the same question.
Israel’s stated test sets no fixed civilian toll. Reported thresholds, the IDF’s own procedures and both parties’ counts, read side by side.
Seven Gaza truces since 2008, each ended by an incident each side blamed on the other. What the dated record and the research on lulls show.
Four dated texts from 1885 to 1919 state the objection in their authors’ own words, against Pew’s measured shares and Israel’s own enacted law.
Palestinians used 86.3 litres of water a day in 2021 against a 100-litre reference, and bought 22% of their water from Israel’s national utility.
An Israeli veterans’ group has collected accounts from over 1,000 soldiers since 2004. What a testimony archive can and cannot measure.
UNESCO has verified damage to 164 heritage sites in Gaza as of March 2026. What the treaty elements require, and what has actually been charged and tried.
Eight claims in the dispute over NAZA, the IDF record that would test each, and what has been published from it for this war.
The IDF says NAZA’s interviewees had to report what they saw. Its ethics code, the black-flag test and 74 investigations show what that means.
Two IDF clips show strikes diverted after the Gaza ceasefire began. What they, resolution 2803 and each party’s ledger show about how it held.
The one target card Israel has published lists a family at the target. What it, and Israel’s rules on warnings, show about NAZA’s claim.
The IDF’s own definition of who may be attacked, its strike chart, 18 clips of its footage and Israel’s 2015 war report, set against NAZA’s claims.
What an IDF targeting presentation and 18 clips of IDF strike footage show about the documentary NAZA’s claim that civilian deaths were built into approvals.
The IDF’s nine targeting stages name no software. What they, its account of Habsora and Lavender, and 18 clips show about NAZA’s AI claim.
Four registers count the occupation’s human cost across different territories and years. What each one measures, and where the counting stops.
Article 16 sets two cumulative conditions for complicity. United States arms law uses neither, and names international humanitarian law nowhere.
The duty not to recognize or assist is stated outright in a text never opened for signature. What the treaty sentence and the export statutes actually say.
One register counts Gaza’s children as children: the Gaza Ministry of Health’s, at 15,613 of 50,021. What its own documents record, and what Israel’s do not.
Security Council resolution 2803 uses the word violation zero times. What the one mandated report and each party’s own count actually record.
Israel’s own register, EU planning and demolition data, the two totals that diverge by 18,518 units, and where the label is disputed but the counts are not.
26.9% of UK media comments on the May 2021 escalation were coded antisemitic. What the corpora, incident records and surveys measure.
Aggression is a defined legal term with one deciding forum. What the 1974 definition, the recorded votes and each party’s own counts record.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
ZOG is an acronym for a claim of hidden Jewish control of government. What the definitions, the measured online corpora and the public record hold.
The army was named by order of Israel’s Provisional Government on 26 May 1948. What the legal record, the army’s own code and coded corpora show.
In a 2022 JPPI survey, 47% of Israeli Jews called the claim highly accurate. What the surveys, the army’s own code and its own investigation counts record.
Four classes of evidence carry the settler-colonial reading of Zionism. What the named literature, the framework’s criteria and the enacted texts record.
A BBC investigation compiled 168 cases of children shot in Gaza, 95 in the head or chest. What the records establish and what they do not.
The military’s own probe counted five warning signs on the night of 6 to 7 October. What each account of ignored warnings actually records.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
The official chronology, Hamas’s own stated rationale and the published assessments of what preceded the 7 October 2023 attack.
The State Department’s 2023 report, Israel’s own enacted texts and the 2024 transfer of civil powers, against the figures nobody publishes.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
UNICEF, a World Bank, EU and UN damage assessment and Israel’s own agencies each publish a different piece of the Gaza picture. What the dated counts record.
An 1886 clash, a labor ratio, boundary and grazing disputes in the colony archives: what the dated record holds on early Zionist and Palestinian contact.
Three published definitions of antisemitism split on boycotts. What the texts, the official adoptions and the survey record actually state.
Four named bodies apply the term and no tribunal has entered the finding. What Article 33, the relief-passage rules and each party’s counts record.
Roughly 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in 1947 to 1949, per Morris’s archival history. What the archives, statutes and recorded votes hold.
Four NGOs and two UN mandate bodies carry the war-crimes findings on Gaza; Israel’s own prosecutors report 74 investigations from 1,000+ referrals.
Israel’s military prosecutors report 74 criminal investigations; the wider war-crimes record is incident-level, dated and largely unadjudicated.
Geneva Convention IV names torture of protected persons a grave breach. What the treaty text, Israel’s court rulings and its own counts record.
Four named bodies have issued findings of systematic attacks since 2023. What the treaty standard requires, and what Israel’s own investigation counts record.
No court has ruled on starvation as a method of war in Gaza. What the treaty text, the famine classification and Israel’s own aid counts record.
Four bodies issued deliberate-starvation determinations from 2023 to 2025; the judicial record reaches only reasonable grounds. What each figure measures.
Named determinations, WHO screening figures, the Rome Statute’s intent standard and each party’s own published counts on child hunger in Gaza.
Israel has held the West Bank and East Jerusalem since June 1967. What the treaty texts, court records and official statistics document.
Which settlement policies the apartheid determinations name, why the settler counts differ, and what Israel’s own statistics and the treaty texts record.
Three moral conclusions the colonial framing draws, the named texts that draw them, where those texts split, and what Israel’s own enacted records say.
The Gaza Ministry of Health counted 274 killed in one 2024 raid; Israel’s military reports 74 investigations opened. What each record measures.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Eight incidents recur across the published compilations, from April 1948 to October 2023. One produced a criminal conviction in an Israeli court.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
The 1948 Genocide Convention supplies the definition, the duty and the clause behind the Gaza case. What the record holds, article by article, dated.
Four bodies published genocide findings on Gaza between 2024 and 2025. What each documented, which standard it applied, and what Israel published.
The Genocide Convention sets no threshold count. What the recorded tolls, the peer-reviewed survey estimate and the court record show.
Five dated determinations from 2023 to 2025, the standard each one applied, and the counts Israel and Gaza health officials each publish.
The phrase names four practices. No treaty defines it as an offence. Reading the published definitions, Israel’s enacted texts and the counts.
No court has ruled on a single strike. What UN determinations, satellite analysis and Israel’s own investigation counts each record, and what each measures.
A Lancet Global Health survey estimated 75,200 violent deaths in Gaza to January 2025; the health ministry has recorded 460 malnutrition deaths.
The 1948 Convention sets two elements, a UN commission found four of five acts in 2025, and no court has ruled on the merits.
The 1948 Genocide Convention lists five acts. Which bodies say the Gaza pattern meets that standard, and what Israel’s own records count.
No court has ruled. What the issued findings say, what the legal standard requires, and what the official population and military counts record.
Named bodies allege direct attacks on civilians. Israel’s military advocate reports 74 criminal investigations from over 1,000 referred incidents.
What a 2024 UK tribunal ruled, what the ADL and INSS standards set as the line, and what coded discourse studies measure about self-determination.
No court has entered a verdict. What the warrants, the treaty standards, the named findings and the parties’ own counts record.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
Gaza’s health ministry recorded 236,505 dead and injured by October 2025. What each count measures, and what each party publishes.
Two dated documents, one internal rejection, a named legal disagreement over intent, and the counts each party publishes.
What coded corpora, two recorded UN votes and national incident records show about the word Zionist used as an accusation.
The State Department recorded 1,277 settler-violence incidents in 2023 and 1,442 Palestinians displaced. What each record and mapping actually counts.
Three method groupings recur across the documented record, alongside Israel’s own 2005 commissioned review and two High Court evacuation rulings.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
The 2005 Sasson Report, the 2012 Levy Report, a 2016 High Court order and the UN inquiry: what each document records about outposts and enforcement.
The FBI logged 1,938 anti-Jewish hate crimes in 2024 and the ADL logged 9,354. Two national counts, five times apart, read category by category to find the gap.
Three documented records, foreign funding, protest arrests, and antisemitic incidents, matched across 20 US campuses to see which ones actually move together.
Antisemitism is mostly written in code, not slurs. This guide decodes the coded lexicon, shows how it evades detection, and tracks its measured rise.
A first reading of the Institute’s search-attention tally: searches for the great replacement rose about 240% year over year, anti-Zionism about 209%.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.
Antisemitic expression rises alongside conflict, not necessarily from it: the October 7 spike hit within minutes, with parallel rises at earlier flashpoints.