Is the media getting Gaza ceasefire violations right? Each party’s count, side by side
News totals of Gaza ceasefire violations trace to party tallies. What Resolution 2803, the Board of Peace report and each side’s own records show.
127 results for “War aims”
News totals of Gaza ceasefire violations trace to party tallies. What Resolution 2803, the Board of Peace report and each side’s own records show.
The Knesset voted 92 to 10 in 2024 to bar UNRWA. What its sponsors said, what Israel counts, what UN inquiries found, and where the laws reach.
The one report Resolution 2803 requires says violations occur “on a near daily basis” and gives no total. What each party counts, and why.
Archival history puts the 1948 exodus near 700,000, with expulsions in some sectors; a 1949 UN count and a 1950 Israeli law recorded no cause.
Israel voted against resolution 3236 in 1974, 89 to 8. Its entry statutes, the 1950 absentee laws and the land record show what followed.
South Africa’s apartheid statute book, Act by Act, set beside Israel’s enacted texts and court rulings: where the instruments align and where they differ.
Ahad Ha’am set out the problem in 1891; the 1931 census counted Jews at 16.9%. The dated texts from Basel to Peel, quoted in their own words.
Israel’s founding text ties the state to the 1897 Zionist Congress. Rival Jewish platforms and official counts show where the two split.
Pinsker (1882) and Herzl (1896) put antisemitism at the centre; the 1897 Basel Program never names it. The founding record, read in full.
AIPAC calls itself grassroots on its 2025 Form 990. The same return reports no dues revenue and 42 volunteers; FEC filings show how its money arrives.
Morris’s roughly 700,000, the UN’s 711,000 and Israel’s 1950s land statutes: how the record divides the argument over the 1948 refugees.
Oslo II lists refugees as one of seven permanent-status items. The 1974 vote, Israel’s entry laws and two polls show where return sits among them.
Israel’s statistics bureau splits births from migration. A 2005 outpost review and Supreme Court rulings record where settlement homes stand.
What the Gaza ministry’s own corrections, list fields and a peer-reviewed Lancet estimate record about errors in its published fatality lists.
The ADL defines ZOG as a white supremacist acronym for Jewish control of the US government. A 2022 survey put a related power belief at 20%.
One state has filed a genocide case against Israel; others use the word in motions, speeches and scholarship. The dated record, with Israel’s own counts.
Under the 1858 Ottoman Code, three fallow years created a tapu right, not a seizure. The court record, statutes and counts on how land changed hands.
Israel’s own documents name two Gaza war aims: the hostages and Hamas’s military capacity. Its counts, aid record and Knesset vote add detail.
Israel’s Supreme Court ruled 5 to 0 for Palestinian landowners in 1979 on title. What land codes, statutes and resolutions rest claims on.
The 2018 Basic Law has no equality clause and no clause authorizing unequal treatment. Reading its text, the 1992 Basic Law and three court rulings.
Israel’s Supreme Court declared a state land allocation discriminatory in 2000. What the ruling, the founding texts and the official counts record.
The 1931 census counted 759,712 Moslems among 1,035,821 residents; two founding texts claim the same land as a people’s birthplace.
A 1919 anti-Zionist petition, three antisemitism definitions, Israel’s statutes and a 1995 survey on rejecting a Jewish state versus rejecting Jews.
From six Judean colonies in 1882 to 1903 to a 2018 Basic Law clause on settlement: what Zionism’s ‘colony’ named, and where scholars split over it.
The colonial argument about Zionism, traced to dated records: the 1922 Mandate, the 1950 land statutes, two court rulings and official counts.
Zionism’s founding texts, both statistics bureaus, the Gaza war record and Israel’s statutes, read against three meanings of “eliminate.”
Israel’s stated test sets no fixed civilian toll. Reported thresholds, the IDF’s own procedures and both parties’ counts, read side by side.
COGAT’s own record shows a 2 March to 19 May 2025 nil-entry period; Israel’s Supreme Court tied the term to disproportionate use in 2014.
One state has filed a genocide claim against Israel at the World Court. Others used the word in speeches and motions; no register counts recognitions.
Israel’s energy minister halted the last grid line on 9 March 2025, and Israel’s own aid portal records zero entry from 2 March to 19 May 2025.
Seven Gaza truces since 2008, each ended by an incident each side blamed on the other. What the dated record and the research on lulls show.
The list of 15 former Israeli leaders names 14. Six apply the word to the present; the rest warn, use other words, or trace to someone else.
The plan’s only statehood clause says conditions “may” allow a pathway. What the Council text, the 1933 criteria and each party’s own words record.
Four dated texts from 1885 to 1919 state the objection in their authors’ own words, against Pew’s measured shares and Israel’s own enacted law.
Israel’s founding text, statutes and census tie Jewish identity to the land; 45% of US Jews call caring about Israel essential to being Jewish.
Resolution 3236 of 1974 calls return an inalienable right. It passed 89 to 8 with 37 abstentions and restates a 1948 paragraph without its compensation clause.
Three UN resolutions across 22 years attach self-determination and statehood to the Palestinian people. None uses the treaty category of indigeneity.
Israel collects the customs and VAT the World Bank calls the Palestinian Authority’s primary revenue source. What the signed texts and registers record.
UNESCO has verified damage to 164 heritage sites in Gaza as of March 2026. What the treaty elements require, and what has actually been charged and tried.
Israel’s immigration law, its census boundary and its courts each treat the Jewish majority differently. What the statutes and the counts record.
South Africa took 35% of Israel’s security exports in the late 1970s. What the 1975 records, the 2010 denial and the historians show.
Eight claims in the dispute over NAZA, the IDF record that would test each, and what has been published from it for this war.
The IDF says NAZA’s interviewees had to report what they saw. Its ethics code, the black-flag test and 74 investigations show what that means.
Israel’s own records back the IDF’s answer to NAZA with a map and cases, not a count. What they show about Hamas and civilian sites.
Two IDF clips show strikes diverted after the Gaza ceasefire began. What they, resolution 2803 and each party’s ledger show about how it held.
The IDF kept a 630-sector map of who stayed in Gaza. What it, Israel’s warning counts and IDF footage show about NAZA’s claim on populated areas.
The one target card Israel has published lists a family at the target. What it, and Israel’s rules on warnings, show about NAZA’s claim.
The IDF’s own definition of who may be attacked, its strike chart, 18 clips of its footage and Israel’s 2015 war report, set against NAZA’s claims.
What an IDF targeting presentation and 18 clips of IDF strike footage show about the documentary NAZA’s claim that civilian deaths were built into approvals.
The IDF’s nine targeting stages name no software. What they, its account of Habsora and Lavender, and 18 clips show about NAZA’s AI claim.
The instruments governing forced displacement carry no term of years. Where duration is legally operative, it is in property law.
The transfer statements are letters and remarks; the 225,000 figure is British. What the pre-state record holds, document by document.
The Palestinian bureau recorded 5,853 people per square kilometre in Gaza. What both statistical registers count, and where they disagree.
Gaza’s health ministry published 21,323 records in its first name-by-name list, and no list carries a date of death. What the documents show.
Article 16 sets two cumulative conditions for complicity. United States arms law uses neither, and names international humanitarian law nowhere.
The 1948 Genocide Convention runs to 19 articles and none states a defence. Where self-defence sits instead, and which question each instrument answers.
Two dated 2026 Palestinian statements set against a survey of 1,270 people that recorded 44% support and 50% opposition on a bare two-state item.
The Ministry of Health in Gaza published 21,323 named records to 29 March 2024. What its four lists hold, what it excludes, and what no column records.
What the 1995 Interim Agreement, two Israeli outpost judgments and a 1933 treaty actually say about settlements, Area C jurisdiction and statehood.
South Africa’s own state commission listed 120 apartheid Acts with dates; Israel’s record on the same dimensions is a different set of instruments.
One peer-reviewed test estimated 64,260 traumatic-injury deaths against 37,877 reported; a research institute puts a civilian ceiling at 41,000.
Four instruments carry the right-of-return claim. One is a ratified treaty, and the 1948 resolution passed 35 to 15 with 8 abstentions.
1.3 million dunums registered since 2016, 24,258 dunams declared state land in 2024, and what a 1907 treaty text says about a land register.
Aggression is a defined legal term with one deciding forum. What the 1974 definition, the recorded votes and each party’s own counts record.
Herzl wrote in 1902 that Zionism was “something colonial.” What the founding texts, charters and scholarship record about the word.
A UN commission estimated 710,000 Palestinians driven out in 1948 to 1949. What the counts, the founding text and the court record hold.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
Israeli Jewish support for a detailed final-status package measured 25% in the September 2024 joint survey. What the rest of the record holds.
ZOG is an acronym for a claim of hidden Jewish control of government. What the definitions, the measured online corpora and the public record hold.
The army was named by order of Israel’s Provisional Government on 26 May 1948. What the legal record, the army’s own code and coded corpora show.
In a 2022 JPPI survey, 47% of Israeli Jews called the claim highly accurate. What the surveys, the army’s own code and its own investigation counts record.
Four classes of evidence carry the settler-colonial reading of Zionism. What the named literature, the framework’s criteria and the enacted texts record.
Six moral grounds recur in the named literature on Palestinian return, from corrective justice to peoplehood. What each text actually says.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
The official chronology, Hamas’s own stated rationale and the published assessments of what preceded the 7 October 2023 attack.
No treaty body names one. What the 1989 criteria, the 2007 UN vote and the two official statistical registers actually record.
Herzl’s 1896 pamphlet, his 1902 letter to Rhodes and Jabotinsky’s 1923 essay, read with the charters, the sovereigns approached and the 1903 vote.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
An 1886 clash, a labor ratio, boundary and grazing disputes in the colony archives: what the dated record holds on early Zionist and Palestinian contact.
4,780,978 enumerated in 2017: what the censuses, Israel’s own counts and the named scholarship record about continuity of presence.
Three published definitions of antisemitism split on boycotts. What the texts, the official adoptions and the survey record actually state.
The 1950 absentee statute, the property claims the Conciliation Commission sampled in 1951, and the valuations on record, each named and dated.
Campaign-finance filings, congressional travel disclosures, published coverage tallies and survey trends, and what each one actually records.
Four named bodies apply the term and no tribunal has entered the finding. What Article 33, the relief-passage rules and each party’s counts record.
Four NGOs and two UN mandate bodies carry the war-crimes findings on Gaza; Israel’s own prosecutors report 74 investigations from 1,000+ referrals.
The published apartheid arguments rest on a three-element treaty test. What each element claims, and what the primary records hold.
Israel’s military prosecutors report 74 criminal investigations; the wider war-crimes record is incident-level, dated and largely unadjudicated.
Geneva Convention IV names torture of protected persons a grave breach. What the treaty text, Israel’s court rulings and its own counts record.
Four named bodies have issued findings of systematic attacks since 2023. What the treaty standard requires, and what Israel’s own investigation counts record.
Four bodies issued deliberate-starvation determinations from 2023 to 2025; the judicial record reaches only reasonable grounds. What each figure measures.
Three moral conclusions the colonial framing draws, the named texts that draw them, where those texts split, and what Israel’s own enacted records say.
Deprivation figures, the 1948 Convention text, court orders and each party’s own aid counts on whether restrictions worsened conditions in Gaza.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Eight incidents recur across the published compilations, from April 1948 to October 2023. One produced a criminal conviction in an Israeli court.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
The 1948 Genocide Convention supplies the definition, the duty and the clause behind the Gaza case. What the record holds, article by article, dated.
The Genocide Convention sets no threshold count. What the recorded tolls, the peer-reviewed survey estimate and the court record show.
The dignity phrasing traces to one 2008 humanitarian assessment. What the published characterizations, the treaty text and each party’s counts hold.
Five dated determinations from 2023 to 2025, the standard each one applied, and the counts Israel and Gaza health officials each publish.
The phrase names four practices. No treaty defines it as an offence. Reading the published definitions, Israel’s enacted texts and the counts.
No court has ruled on a single strike. What UN determinations, satellite analysis and Israel’s own investigation counts each record, and what each measures.
A Lancet Global Health survey estimated 75,200 violent deaths in Gaza to January 2025; the health ministry has recorded 460 malnutrition deaths.
The 1948 Convention sets two elements, a UN commission found four of five acts in 2025, and no court has ruled on the merits.
The 1948 Genocide Convention lists five acts. Which bodies say the Gaza pattern meets that standard, and what Israel’s own records count.
Israel’s own count records 2.13 million Arab citizens and residents. What the statutes, the 1949 refugee record and the scholarship hold.
No court has ruled. What the issued findings say, what the legal standard requires, and what the official population and military counts record.
Named bodies allege direct attacks on civilians. Israel’s military advocate reports 74 criminal investigations from over 1,000 referred incidents.
Four determinations published between January 2021 and March 2022 carry the finding. What the treaty text requires, and what the records hold.
No court has entered a verdict. What the warrants, the treaty standards, the named findings and the parties’ own counts record.
Roughly 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in 1948. What the archives, Israel’s founding declaration and the recorded UN votes document.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
What coded corpora, two recorded UN votes and national incident records show about the word Zionist used as an accusation.
Israel’s 2018 Basic Law, the Levy and Sasson reviews, and the Palestinian census records, set against the river-to-sea reading of Zionism’s stated end.
Recorded votes, FEC filings and ethics disclosures on AIPAC funding and how Congress votes on Israel security assistance.
US coverage carries one direct-death registry. Named bodies challenge it in both directions: 41% underreporting in The Lancet, and a 41,000 civilian ceiling.
Three instruments, two archive-based histories and one recorded vote: what the texts and counts behind the 1948 displacement actually say.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
The Palestinian census counted 2,881,687 West Bank residents in 2017. What the population record, Israel’s own state reviews and its court rulings document.
The 2005 Sasson Report, the 2012 Levy Report, a 2016 High Court order and the UN inquiry: what each document records about outposts and enforcement.
Israel grew from 2 million to over 10 million; the West Bank and Gaza from 2 million to 5.4 million. The growth, and why the counts behind it are disputed.
We asked ChatGPT and Reddit search the same 20 Rothschild questions. ChatGPT refuted the conspiracy every time; Reddit affirmed it about seven to one.
A study of the conspiracy-of-power trope in two places: the top of search debunks it, while the conspiracy community where it lives affirms it about six times as often.
A first-party study of the language in the 36 most-watched Israel-Gaza explainer videos: contested-claim verdicts, who is named the actor, and the words used for each side.
In the research, Zionism is measured as support for a Jewish state, reached through anti-Israel attitudes and denial of Jewish self-determination, its closest proxy.
Tests of today’s leading AI chatbots find measurable bias against racial, ethnic, and religious groups, with the size varying sharply by model.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.
Antisemitic expression rises alongside conflict, not necessarily from it: the October 7 spike hit within minutes, with parallel rises at earlier flashpoints.