Data Reportby The Hanover InstituteNovember 9, 2026

Can Uncultivated Palestinian Farmland Be Expropriated? Reading the 1858 Code, the 1979 Judgment and the Statutes on Record

Under the 1858 Ottoman Code, three fallow years created a tapu right, not a seizure. The court record, statutes and counts on how land changed hands.

Can Uncultivated Palestinian Farmland Be Expropriated? Reading the 1858 Code, the 1979 Judgment and the Statutes on Record

Under Article 68 of the 1858 Ottoman Land Code, arable state-class (miri) land left fallow for three successive years without a valid excuse “becomes the right of Tapu,” in F. Ongley’s unofficial 1892 English translation. That is a right of re-grant in which the former holder may take the land back on payment, not a taking by the state. Resting a field is ordinary farming, and the Code itself lists it as a valid excuse, so the plain question is whether the law treats a fallow field as forfeit. The takings on the record ran through other instruments: a 1979 Israeli government resolution confining settlements to state land, a military requisition order voided by Israel’s High Court of Justice in 1979, and, inside Israel’s post-1948 lines, a 1953 statute that expropriated some 1.2 million dunams in its first year (Forman and Kedar, 2004).

Key Findings

  • The 1858 Ottoman Land Code, Article 68, makes arable miri land left fallow for three successive years without valid excuse subject to the right of tapu; in Ongley’s 1892 translation the former holder may recover it “for its equivalent value (Bedel Misl)” before any auction.
  • Article 78 of the same Code gives anyone who has possessed miri land for 10 years without disturbance a prescriptive right and a new title deed “gratis,” “whether he has a title-deed or not” (Ottoman Empire, 1858, Ongley translation).
  • Israel’s High Court of Justice ruled 5 to 0 on 22 October 1979 in HCJ 390/79 (the Elon Moreh case) that a requisition order was invalid as to the petitioners’ roughly 125 dunams, out of roughly 700 under the order, because political rather than military needs drove it.
  • The Prime Minister’s Office of Israel’s 2005 summary of the Sason opinion, a review published by a party to the events, placed 26 of 105 known unauthorized outposts on State land, tested against a 1979 resolution that settlements be established “only on State land.”
  • Forman and Kedar (2004, peer-reviewed) report that the 1953 Land Acquisition Law expropriated some 1.2 million dunams in its first year, with compensation paid for 198,000 dunams by 1988, a figure they relay from earlier studies.

Does leaving farmland uncultivated make it expropriable?

The 1858 Ottoman Land Code sets a three-year test in Article 68: arable miri land left fallow “for three successive years without having proved any valid excuse” becomes “the right of Tapu,” in Ongley’s unofficial 1892 translation. That is a re-grant right, not an expropriation. The former holder may have the land “transferred to him again … for its equivalent value (Bedel Misl),” and only if he declines is it “transferred by auction to the candidate.”

The second English text differs on the price. Stanley Fisher’s 1919 translation, which R. C. Tute’s 1927 commentary says “established themselves as the standard English text in Palestine,” reads that land which “remains unproductive for three years consecutively becomes subject to the right of tapou,” and that the former possessor recovers it “on payment of its tapou value.” The Code treats those as different sums: Article 78 offers land to a confessed occupier for “its Tapu value.” Neither English text is official; the Ottoman state issued none.

Tute, President of the Land Court in Jerusalem, stated the consequence in his note to Article 68: “Abandonment of a holding by the title holder does not render the land vacant or mahlul … Under either circumstance, the tenure is maintained, and the land is not at the disposal of the State.”

The Code runs a second clock in the holder’s favour. Article 78 provides, in Ongley’s text, that a person who “has possessed Arazi Mirie and Mevkufe for ten years without disturbance” acquires a prescriptive right, and “whether he has a title-deed or not such land cannot be looked upon as Mahlul, but a new Tapu Sened should be given to him gratis.” A third rule, in Article 103, applies a three-year period to a different object: dead land (mevat) granted for reclamation and then left unbroken for three years “shall be given to another.”

So the Code carries two three-year rules on two kinds of land and a ten-year rule running the other way. In none of the three does the operative text provide that fallow land passes to the state. The excuses Article 68 accepts and the distance test for mevat are set out in the Institute’s reading of the 1858 Code articles on state land. The Code is evidence of what the law said; it carries no acreage, no count of holdings declared vacant and no map, and Ongley’s 1892 editor already marked articles amended by then.

Who says uncultivated Palestinian land is being taken?

Alaa Mahajna, described by his publisher as a Jerusalem-based human rights lawyer, wrote in a May 2026 policy analysis for the Arab Center Washington DC that around 57% of Area C is now “subject to the Israeli land registration plan.” He argues that two February 2026 Israeli government decisions launching land title settlement in Area C effect annexation through law.

The 57% sits in a sentence that gives the other two shares: “Prior to 1967, 18.4 percent of Area C was registered as state land; following the occupation, 24.5 percent was declared as ‘state land’.” Mahajna puts Area C at “around 60 percent of the West Bank.” The analysis names no measuring body for its Area C shares, so they are his own statements; it is a think-tank argument read against occupation law, not a survey.

The Applied Research Institute Jerusalem, a Palestinian advocacy and monitoring organisation, argued in a January 2009 essay that consecutive administrations denied the Palestinian territories a functioning land-registration system and that the absence blocks development planning. The essay carries no named author and no references.

Human Rights Watch, in its December 2010 report Separate and Unequal, described a practice in which Palestinian claimants could be required to show 10 years of continuous cultivation, and in which aerial photographs showing land uncultivated at one point were treated as evidence of three fallow years. It dated to 1979 the start of a survey to identify uncultivated land.

The direction of these accounts matches the Code’s structure: whether a parcel was cultivated, possessed or registered decides whom the land is recorded to. The base rate for that runs through Article 78. A holder with 10 years of undisturbed possession acquires a prescriptive right and a free title deed “whether he has a title-deed or not.” The two English texts frame the proof differently. Ongley’s 1892 text conditions the right on possession alone. Fisher’s 1919 text reads “Every one who has possessed and cultivated State or mevqufe land for ten years without dispute (bila niza) acquires a right by prescription,” the wording in which cultivation becomes part of what a holder must show.

Is a state-land declaration the same as an expropriation?

Article 1 of the 1858 Ottoman Land Code divides land into five classes, and a state-land declaration rests on that taxonomy: it asserts that a parcel already sits in a state class. Ongley’s 1892 translation renders miri as “Crown lands, belonging to the state exchequer” and mevat as “Dead lands, uncultivated and unappropriated.” An expropriation, by contrast, takes property the state recognises as private.

The Elon Moreh case shows the second kind of event. The land at issue was registered to the 17 petitioners, and the military commander took it under an Order of Possession for a stated military purpose. A requisition of that kind presupposes a private owner; a declaration presupposes that no private right exists to take.

Legal event What it asserts Source
Tapu right on fallow miri land Holder keeps first claim on payment after 3 fallow years Ottoman Empire, 1858, Article 68
Prescriptive right Free title deed after 10 years of undisturbed possession Ottoman Empire, 1858, Article 78
Requisition of private land Possession taken from registered owners, voided 1979 Israeli Supreme Court, 1979
Statutory expropriation 1.2 million dunams taken in the 1953 law’s first year Forman and Kedar, 2004

The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, the Palestinian Authority’s statistics office, counts the two events separately. Its own reported count for 2025, published in 2026, records 3 expropriation orders covering about 1,731 dunams and 3 state-land declarations covering about 1,231 dunams. For 2023, in a release published in 2024, it records 4 expropriation orders covering about 433 dunams and 2 declarations covering about 515 dunams. These are a party’s figures, not independently verified, and they record which instrument was used, not whether a finding about cultivation underlay it.

Neither the Code nor the Elon Moreh judgment counts declarations. The Code carries no quantity of any kind, and the judgment decides the lawfulness of a single order over a single site.

Can registered private farmland be requisitioned for a settlement?

Israel’s High Court of Justice held unanimously, 5 to 0, on 22 October 1979 in HCJ 390/79 Dweikat (the Elon Moreh case), that requisitioning private land for a civilian settlement “is potentially justified under Article 52 of the Hague Regulations,” but only “when it is proved, according to the facts of the case, that military needs were those which in practice brought upon the decision.”

The petitioners were 17 registered owners of about 125 dunams at Rujeib, outside Nablus. They challenged Order of Possession no. 16/79, signed by the area commander on 5 June 1979 over about 700 dunams; Israeli civilians began settling the site on 7 June. Deputy President M. Landau found that the Chief of the General Staff’s professional opinion “would not, in itself, have led to the decision,” and that the Ministerial Committee for National Security Affairs and the cabinet majority “were determinatively influenced by reasons stemming from a Zionist worldview as to the settling of the entire Land of Israel.” In his words, “the process was inverted: the initiative came from the political echelons.”

Landau applied a dominant-purpose test taken from De Smith’s Judicial Review of Administrative Action and held that “the military consideration was subordinate to the primary, political decision.” He added a ground that “stands independently”: “a military administration cannot create within its territory ‘facts on the ground’ for the purposes of its military needs that were in advance intended to exist past the end of the military rule.” Justice A. Witkon placed the burden on the respondents: “We need not be convinced of the sincerity of the consideration, but rather of its correctness.”

Source: Israeli Supreme Court, 1979, HCJ 390/79, unofficial Cardozo translation.

The remedy was narrow. The Court declared the order invalid “in terms of the lands owned by the petitioners,” ordered settlers and structures removed from those lands, and gave the respondents 30 days to comply. Order 17/79, covering the access road, drew no order because “none of the petitioners hold any ownership rights for the road lands.” Landau distinguished, without overruling, the Court’s 1978 Beit El decision, which had upheld a requisition for a civilian settlement on the same Article 52 reasoning, and the Court left Article 49(6) of the Fourth Geneva Convention undecided as not justiciable in an Israeli court. The holding turned on purpose, not cultivation: the petitioners’ title was registered. The English quoted is the Cardozo Israeli Supreme Court Project’s unofficial translation from a Hebrew text.

Which 1979 decision tied new settlements to state land?

A 1979 Israeli government resolution, taken after the Elon Moreh ruling, provided that “Israeli settlements in Judea, Samaria and Gaza shall be established only on State land,” as reported in the Prime Minister’s Office of Israel’s March 2005 summary of the opinion that Talya Sason, Adv., prepared on unauthorized outposts. That resolution is an executive decision, not the Court’s holding.

The phrase “State land” appears zero times in the 33-page English text of the Elon Moreh judgment. Once settlement was confined to state land by resolution, the classification of a parcel, and with it any finding about whether the parcel had been cultivated or possessed, decided where settlement could proceed under Israel’s own rules.

The Sason opinion applied that test. Her summary, published in English by the Israeli government and so a review issued by a party to the events, gave the land status of the 105 outposts known to her in March 2005: 26 on State land, 7 on survey lands, 15 on Palestinian private property and 39 on “mixed” lands, “part State, part survey, part owned by Palestinians.” Those four categories sum to 87, leaving 18 whose land she had not resolved, and she wrote that 105 “probably does not reflect the true number of outposts in the area.” Adding the three non-State categories gives 61, a derivation from her components rather than a total she published; with 18 unresolved, it is a floor.

Source: Prime Minister’s Office of Israel, 2005, Sason opinion summary; a review published by a party to the events.

Her finding on the state’s own role was direct: “State and public authorities took part in breaking the law. They are the ones who financed construction without a resolution by the political echelon, in contrary to government resolutions, with no legal planning status, sometimes not on State owned land, sometimes on private Palestinian property or on survey land.” The wider outpost record is set out in Israel’s own reviews of unauthorized outposts.

Who holds West Bank land once it counts as government property?

Military Order 59, the Order Concerning Government Property signed on 31 July 1967 by the Commander of IDF Forces in the West Bank Area, places government property under a Custodian. Article 2 reads “הממונה רשאי ליטול את החזקה ברכוש ממשלתי ולנקוט כל צעד הנראה לו דרוש לכך”: in a working English rendering, the Custodian may take possession of government property and take any step he deems necessary to do so.

The order is the military commander’s own enactment, published by the Military Advocate General in the Collection of Proclamations, Orders and Appointments, booklet 5, page 162. Article 1 fixes 7 June 1967 as “the determining day” and defines government property, in its first limb, as property that on that day belonged to an enemy state, “the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan or any other enemy state,” including its government, units, agencies, authorities and corporations, or to a corporation in which such a state held any right. Further limbs reach property registered in such a name on that day and property in which such a body was a partner. Article 1 also creates the Custodian, defined as whoever the military commander appointed to the office.

Article 5 protects the Custodian’s dealings. In working rendering: any transaction made in good faith between the Custodian and another person, in any asset the Custodian considered at the time to be government property, “shall not be invalidated and shall stand even if it is proved that the asset was not government property at that time.” Article 4(2) allows payments to a co-owner only if the Custodian is satisfied the co-owner “is not an enemy.” Article 6 sets a penalty of 10 years’ imprisonment or a fine of 20,000 lira for concealing government property or obstructing the Custodian. Article 7 commences the order on 7 July 1967, 24 days before the date it was signed.

Three features of the text bound what it can show. The 1967 text contains no declaration procedure, no appeals committee and no objection window; it defines government property by ownership on a fixed date. It names itself for the West Bank Area, not for Judea and Samaria. And the issuing authority’s index lists nine amendments, the last being Order 1508, so the 1967 booklet is not the text in force. The order was issued in Hebrew and Arabic only, and no official English text exists.

How much land did Israel’s 1953 acquisition law take?

The 1953 Land Acquisition Law expropriated some 1.2 million dunams in its first year of operation, according to the peer-reviewed legal history by Geremy Forman and Alexandre Kedar (2004) in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. The law operated inside Israel’s post-1948 lines, not in the West Bank, and the paper’s figures describe how much land moved, not the test applied to it.

Of the 1.2 million dunams, the authors report 311,000 taken from private ownership, 304,700 of those from Arab owners, and 704,000 taken from the Custodian of Absentee Property. These are subsets of the 1.2 million, not additions to it, and the authors state it is not clear how much of the 704,000 was land of “present absentees,” Arab citizens who remained in Israel but were classified as absentees.

Source: Forman and Kedar, 2004, peer-reviewed.

The 1953 law sat in a chain of statutes the paper traces from Knesset records: “The Knesset enacted the Absentee Property Law in March 1950 and the Development Authority (Transfer of Property) Law in July 1950.” Under them, the Custodian could sell land “to the DA alone,” and the Development Authority could sell “to the state and the JNF.” The absentee definition, which the authors place in the 1948 Absentee Property Regulations carried forward by the 1950 statute, reached anyone who from 29 November 1947 had been in specified places or had abandoned a normal residence; the authors record that “practically no Jewish Israelis, but tens of thousands of Arab Israeli citizens, were classified as absentees.” The chain closed in July 1960, when the Knesset consolidated state, Development Authority and Jewish National Fund holdings as “Israel Lands.” The absentee statute is read in detail in the Institute’s report on 1948 property and the absentee law.

The paper does not set out the 1953 law’s eligibility criteria, so its figures cannot show what share of the 1.2 million dunams turned on whether land had been cultivated.

Were owners compensated for land taken under the 1953 law?

Compensation under the 1953 mechanism had been paid for 198,000 dunams by 1988, up from 64,500 dunams by 1959, according to figures Forman and Kedar (2004) relay rather than measure. The paper takes them from Liskovski’s 1959 study, Bauml’s 2002 study and Kretzmer’s 1990 study, and they are attributed to those works here.

The intermediate point, about 170,000 dunams by 1970, places most of the growth in the first two decades. The series counts dunams for which compensation was paid, not the sums paid or the number of owners.

Source: Forman and Kedar, 2004, peer-reviewed, relaying earlier studies.

The paper does not tie the compensated area to a specific base. Setting 198,000 against the 1.2 million dunams of the first year, or against the 311,000 taken from private ownership, would place two figures from different universes side by side, so no share is given here.

Nor does the paper total the land that left Arab hands after 1948. The authors write: “There is no one agreed-upon figure for the land that moved from Arab hands to the state in the wake of 1948.” They list estimates from other bodies without adopting one, and their narrative ends in 1960, so the paper carries nothing on the Absentees’ Property (Compensation) Law of 1973 or later practice.

What the record holds, then, is a cumulative area compensated over 35 years and a first-year area taken, each from a different source, with no published reconciliation between them.

Does Israel’s 1992 property guarantee reach earlier land takings?

Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, adopted by the Knesset in 1992, provides in section 3 that “The property of a human being shall not be violated,” but section 10 states that it “shall not affect the validity of any law that existed prior to the inception of the Basic Law,” in the Knesset’s unofficial English translation credited to Dr. Sheila Hattis Rolef.

The 1953 Land Acquisition Law was enacted 39 years before the Basic Law, so it falls within section 10: section 3 does not reach the validity of takings made under it. The same holds for the 1950 absentee and Development Authority statutes in the chain Forman and Kedar (2004) trace.

For laws enacted after 1992, section 8 sets the conditions on violating any right the Basic Law protects, property included. In the Knesset’s wording: “One is not to violate the rights accorded by this Basic Law save by means of a law that corresponds to the values of the State of Israel, which serves an appropriate purpose, and to an extent that does not exceed what is required, or on the basis of a law, as aforementioned, by force of an explicit authorization therein.” Section 11 adds that “Each and every government authority is obliged to respect the rights in accordance with this Basic Law.”

The Knesset labels its own text unofficial in the document’s second line: “This unofficial English translation of the basic law includes all the amendments adopted through May 1, 2022.” It directs readers to the Hebrew for the operative law, and other Israeli state bodies render section 8 in different English wording, so the clause is quoted here only in the Knesset’s version.

The law’s purpose clause, numbered 1a in the Knesset text, states that the Basic Law exists “to protect human dignity and liberty, in order to embed the values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, in a basic law.” Section 9 exempts the security forces from the law’s limits save by statute or regulation. The enumerated rights are dignity, life and body, property, personal liberty, exit and entry, and privacy; property is the only one of them bearing on land.

Methodology and limitations

Eleven sources across four tiers underlie the findings. Primary records: the 1858 Ottoman Land Code in two unofficial English translations, F. Ongley’s of 1892 as revised by Horace E. Miller and Stanley Fisher’s of 1919 as reprinted in R. C. Tute’s 1927 commentary; Military Order 59 of 1967 in its Hebrew text, read from the issuing authority’s scan; Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty in the Knesset’s unofficial English translation; and the Elon Moreh judgment of 22 October 1979 in the Cardozo Israeli Supreme Court Project’s unofficial translation from a Hebrew version prepared by Nevo Press Ltd. Official reviews and statistics: the Prime Minister’s Office of Israel’s 2005 summary of the Sason opinion, a review commissioned and published by a party to the events, and the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics releases of 2024 and 2026, a party’s own counts.

Peer-reviewed research: Forman and Kedar (2004), an archival legal history from Israeli legislation, archival documents and Knesset proceedings, ending in 1960; its compensation figures are relayed from earlier studies. Policy and advocacy material: Mahajna (2026), a think-tank argument, and the Applied Research Institute Jerusalem (2009), an essay by an advocacy and monitoring organisation, both cited for the positions they state. Human Rights Watch is named for its 2010 description of the cultivation test and is not used as evidence for any figure.

Limits. The Code is evidence of what the law said, never of what was done, and its articles were amended over time; Order 59 has been amended nine times, so its 1967 text is not the text in force. Translations differ on operative words, and each quotation names its translator. The 105 outposts and the 61 derived from them are floors. No source in this set counts parcels classified as state land on a finding about cultivation; the Palestinian statistics office counts declarations and orders, not their grounds.

Conclusion

So can uncultivated Palestinian farmland be expropriated? On the text of the 1858 Code, three fallow years did not hand miri land to the state; they opened a tapu right in which the former holder came first. Where land changed hands on the record, it did so through classification, requisition and statute.

Across those instruments the portrait is consistent. Ten years of undisturbed possession earned a holder a free title deed under Article 78. In 1979 Israel’s High Court of Justice voided one requisition of registered private land, 5 to 0, because political rather than military need drove it, and the government that year confined settlements to state land by resolution, which moved the decisive questionto the land category of each parcel. Under Order 59 the military commander’s Custodian took possession of property that Jordan held on 7 June 1967. Inside Israel’s post-1948 lines, the 1953 statute took some 1.2 million dunams in its first year, with compensation relayed at 198,000 dunams by 1988. The 1992 Basic Law’s property clause leaves the validity of that earlier statute untouched under its own section 10. The Sason review, published by a party to the events, placed only 26 of 105 known outposts wholly on State land, which is the category the 1979 resolution required.

The record therefore separates two things that share a word. A fallow field and a forfeited field are different legal facts in the Code. Classification, possession and registration are what the later instruments act on. If cultivation was never the operative trigger in the texts, what does it mean for a society that the fallow field has become the shorthand for how land changes hands? And which record, the statute book, the court file or the land registry, would a family need to hold in order to answer that for its own parcel?

Frequently Asked Questions

What valid excuses for leaving land fallow does Article 68 accept?

Article 68 of the 1858 Ottoman Land Code, in Ongley’s 1892 translation, lists three: resting the soil for one or two years, or longer where the locality requires; leaving flooded land fallow “until it has acquired the power of cultivation after the water which inundated it for a time has receded”; and being a prisoner of war. A holder who proves one of these does not lose first claim when the three-year period runs.

How far from a village must land lie to count as dead land?

Article 6 of the 1858 Code, in Ongley’s translation, sets the line where “the loud voice of a person from the extreme inhabited spot cannot be heard, that is about a mile and a half … or a distance of about half an hour.” Tute’s 1927 commentary traces the test to Article 1270 of the Mejelle and notes that Article 103 repeats it without the distance figure.

What did reclaiming dead land without permission earn a cultivator?

On the Code’s own 1858 terms, Article 103 gave a person who broke up mevat without permission a title deed on payment of its tapu value. Tute records that the Mewat Land Ordinance of 1 March 1921 removed that right in Palestine and made the cultivator liable to prosecution for trespass, so any statement of the rule must be dated.

Is Article 78 the only ten-year rule in the Code?

No: Tute’s 1927 commentary distinguishes Article 78, which confers a prescriptive right against the state, from Article 20, which states a ten-year limitation on claims between private persons. A reference to “the ten-year rule” without an article number is ambiguous between the two.

When were the unauthorized outposts in the Sason review established?

The Prime Minister’s Office of Israel’s 2005 summary, a review published by a party to the events, dated 71 of the 105 outposts to before March 2001 and 24 to after it, and left 10 undated. The 71 and 24 therefore cannot be summed into a total.

How much did one Israeli ministry spend on unauthorized outposts?

The Ministry of Construction & Housing reported NIS 71,870,000 spent on unauthorized outposts from 2000 to 2004, its own figure as relayed in the Prime Minister’s Office of Israel’s 2005 Sason summary. The summary states the figure does not settle with the ministry’s own working schemes, so it is a floor and a party’s own count.

Does the 1992 Basic Law contain an equality clause?

The Knesset’s English text of Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, with amendments through May 2022, contains zero occurrences of “equal” or “discrimin” on a full-text search. The absence describes the text alone; it is not a finding about how the State treats anyone.

Sources

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