100 results for “Area C”
One state has filed a genocide claim against Israel at the World Court. Others used the word in speeches and motions; no register counts recognitions.
WHO counts 7,841 Gaza medical evacuations to September 2025, most before May 2024. Israel reports approving 98% of submitted requests.
The plan’s only statehood clause says conditions “may” allow a pathway. What the Council text, the 1933 criteria and each party’s own words record.
No state has published a recognition of sovereignty over East Jerusalem. What the recorded votes, the enacted texts and both bureaus’ counts show.
Resolution 3236 of 1974 calls return an inalienable right. It passed 89 to 8 with 37 abstentions and restates a 1948 paragraph without its compensation clause.
Three UN resolutions across 22 years attach self-determination and statehood to the Palestinian people. None uses the treaty category of indigeneity.
Palestinians used 86.3 litres of water a day in 2021 against a 100-litre reference, and bought 22% of their water from Israel’s national utility.
An Israeli veterans’ group has collected accounts from over 1,000 soldiers since 2004. What a testimony archive can and cannot measure.
Israel collects the customs and VAT the World Bank calls the Palestinian Authority’s primary revenue source. What the signed texts and registers record.
The occupation dates to June 1967, 59 years by 2026. What the military orders, Oslo II and Israel’s own court record show about its length.
Israel’s immigration law, its census boundary and its courts each treat the Jewish majority differently. What the statutes and the counts record.
Eight claims in the dispute over NAZA, the IDF record that would test each, and what has been published from it for this war.
Israel’s own records back the IDF’s answer to NAZA with a map and cases, not a count. What they show about Hamas and civilian sites.
Two IDF clips show strikes diverted after the Gaza ceasefire began. What they, resolution 2803 and each party’s ledger show about how it held.
The IDF kept a 630-sector map of who stayed in Gaza. What it, Israel’s warning counts and IDF footage show about NAZA’s claim on populated areas.
The one target card Israel has published lists a family at the target. What it, and Israel’s rules on warnings, show about NAZA’s claim.
The IDF’s own definition of who may be attacked, its strike chart, 18 clips of its footage and Israel’s 2015 war report, set against NAZA’s claims.
What an IDF targeting presentation and 18 clips of IDF strike footage show about the documentary NAZA’s claim that civilian deaths were built into approvals.
The term attaches to named parcels of territory, not to a state. What the instruments, Israel’s own court record and each population register show.
The instruments governing forced displacement carry no term of years. Where duration is legally operative, it is in property law.
The transfer statements are letters and remarks; the 225,000 figure is British. What the pre-state record holds, document by document.
Four registers count the occupation’s human cost across different territories and years. What each one measures, and where the counting stops.
The Palestinian bureau recorded 5,853 people per square kilometre in Gaza. What both statistical registers count, and where they disagree.
Article 68 of the Ottoman Land Code says fallow land becomes the right of Tapu, not that it reverts to the state. Reading the articles as enacted.
The 1948 Genocide Convention runs to 19 articles and none states a defence. Where self-defence sits instead, and which question each instrument answers.
Two dated 2026 Palestinian statements set against a survey of 1,270 people that recorded 44% support and 50% opposition on a bare two-state item.
One register counts Gaza’s children as children: the Gaza Ministry of Health’s, at 15,613 of 50,021. What its own documents record, and what Israel’s do not.
The 1995 Interim Agreement splits the West Bank into three jurisdictions and assigns title to none of them. What the governing instruments say.
Naming the documents behind “UN reports say” on children in Gaza: 68.2% of 475 schools damaged in 46 days, and where each relayed figure was produced.
What the 1995 Interim Agreement, two Israeli outpost judgments and a 1933 treaty actually say about settlements, Area C jurisdiction and statehood.
South Africa’s own state commission listed 120 apartheid Acts with dates; Israel’s record on the same dimensions is a different set of instruments.
COGAT’s own permit instrument sets a standing quota of 74,300 for construction work in Israel, publishes no total, and records no count of anyone who crossed.
One peer-reviewed test estimated 64,260 traumatic-injury deaths against 37,877 reported; a research institute puts a civilian ceiling at 41,000.
Security Council resolution 2803 uses the word violation zero times. What the one mandated report and each party’s own count actually record.
What the registers, censuses, audits and court files record about the machinery a Palestinian state would run on, and where the record holds nothing.
Israel’s own register, EU planning and demolition data, the two totals that diverge by 18,518 units, and where the label is disputed but the counts are not.
Named definitions, the 711,000 to 774,000 refugee counts of 1949, and the dated scholarly dispute over what the term covers.
Four instruments carry the right-of-return claim. One is a ratified treaty, and the 1948 resolution passed 35 to 15 with 8 abstentions.
1.3 million dunums registered since 2016, 24,258 dunams declared state land in 2024, and what a 1907 treaty text says about a land register.
Herzl wrote in 1902 that Zionism was “something colonial.” What the founding texts, charters and scholarship record about the word.
The 1948 displacement, cause by cause: what the archival typology assigns to military operations, expulsion orders, and fear.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
In a 2022 JPPI survey, 47% of Israeli Jews called the claim highly accurate. What the surveys, the army’s own code and its own investigation counts record.
A BBC investigation compiled 168 cases of children shot in Gaza, 95 in the head or chest. What the records establish and what they do not.
Six moral grounds recur in the named literature on Palestinian return, from corrective justice to peoplehood. What each text actually says.
One clause of the 1973 Apartheid Convention names the right to return. What the treaty text, Resolution 194 and Israel’s enacted records hold.
Historians date the formative period to 1882. What the Balfour text, the Mandate instrument, the 1937 commission and the official counts record.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
The 2018 Basic Law’s eleven clauses, the 2021 High Court ruling that upheld it, and what Israel’s own statistical registers count.
No treaty body names one. What the 1989 criteria, the 2007 UN vote and the two official statistical registers actually record.
The State Department’s 2023 report, Israel’s own enacted texts and the 2024 transfer of civil powers, against the figures nobody publishes.
Herzl’s 1896 pamphlet, his 1902 letter to Rhodes and Jabotinsky’s 1923 essay, read with the charters, the sovereigns approached and the 1903 vote.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
UNICEF, a World Bank, EU and UN damage assessment and Israel’s own agencies each publish a different piece of the Gaza picture. What the dated counts record.
An 1886 clash, a labor ratio, boundary and grazing disputes in the colony archives: what the dated record holds on early Zionist and Palestinian contact.
The 1950 absentee statute, the property claims the Conciliation Commission sampled in 1951, and the valuations on record, each named and dated.
Four named bodies apply the term and no tribunal has entered the finding. What Article 33, the relief-passage rules and each party’s counts record.
Roughly 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in 1947 to 1949, per Morris’s archival history. What the archives, statutes and recorded votes hold.
Published shares of Jewish landholding at the end of the Mandate run from 2.1% to 7.6%. Reading the registers, the purchases and the 1948 instruments.
The published apartheid arguments rest on a three-element treaty test. What each element claims, and what the primary records hold.
Israel’s military prosecutors report 74 criminal investigations; the wider war-crimes record is incident-level, dated and largely unadjudicated.
Four named bodies have issued findings of systematic attacks since 2023. What the treaty standard requires, and what Israel’s own investigation counts record.
No court has ruled on starvation as a method of war in Gaza. What the treaty text, the famine classification and Israel’s own aid counts record.
Four bodies issued deliberate-starvation determinations from 2023 to 2025; the judicial record reaches only reasonable grounds. What each figure measures.
Named determinations, WHO screening figures, the Rome Statute’s intent standard and each party’s own published counts on child hunger in Gaza.
The 1973 Apartheid Convention names the right to a nationality once. What the treaty text, the dated determinations and Israel’s own records hold.
Israel has held the West Bank and East Jerusalem since June 1967. What the treaty texts, court records and official statistics document.
Which settlement policies the apartheid determinations name, why the settler counts differ, and what Israel’s own statistics and the treaty texts record.
No tribunal outside Israel has ruled on the 2018 nation-state law. What the enacted text, ICERD’s definition and the 2021 judgment hold.
The Gaza Ministry of Health counted 274 killed in one 2024 raid; Israel’s military reports 74 investigations opened. What each record measures.
Two documents enumerate four and five characteristics. What the treaty definition, the census counts and Israel’s own statistics record about each.
Four bodies published genocide findings on Gaza between 2024 and 2025. What each documented, which standard it applied, and what Israel published.
The Genocide Convention sets no threshold count. What the recorded tolls, the peer-reviewed survey estimate and the court record show.
Five dated determinations from 2023 to 2025, the standard each one applied, and the counts Israel and Gaza health officials each publish.
Israel’s West Bank settler count reached 503,732 in 2024; the Sinai was returned by treaty in 1982. What the statutes, votes and counts record.
No court has ruled on a single strike. What UN determinations, satellite analysis and Israel’s own investigation counts each record, and what each measures.
A Lancet Global Health survey estimated 75,200 violent deaths in Gaza to January 2025; the health ministry has recorded 460 malnutrition deaths.
The 1948 Genocide Convention lists five acts. Which bodies say the Gaza pattern meets that standard, and what Israel’s own records count.
No court has ruled. What the issued findings say, what the legal standard requires, and what the official population and military counts record.
Named bodies allege direct attacks on civilians. Israel’s military advocate reports 74 criminal investigations from over 1,000 referred incidents.
The characterization traces to a 1973 treaty definition and to determinations published between January 2021 and February 2022. What each record holds.
Four determinations published between January 2021 and March 2022 carry the finding. What the treaty text requires, and what the records hold.
Roughly 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in 1948. What the archives, Israel’s founding declaration and the recorded UN votes document.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
Gaza’s health ministry recorded 236,505 dead and injured by October 2025. What each count measures, and what each party publishes.
Israel’s 2018 Basic Law, the Levy and Sasson reviews, and the Palestinian census records, set against the river-to-sea reading of Zionism’s stated end.
The 1948 Declaration, the 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, and two Supreme Court rulings: what the dated documents behind the claim actually say.
The State Department recorded 1,277 settler-violence incidents in 2023 and 1,442 Palestinians displaced. What each record and mapping actually counts.
Published totals run from about 1 million to more than 17 million dunams. What each figure counts, and which body measured it.
Israel’s Nation-State Basic Law passed 62 to 55 in 2018 with no equality clause. What the enacted texts, commissioned reviews and court rulings record.
Two statistical agencies count two populations on one small territory: 878 persons per km² in 2021, 5,853 in Gaza, 10.148 million in Israel.
The House passed the last standalone Israel bill 366 to 58, while 60% of Americans viewed Israel unfavorably. A 2016 agreement sets the dollar level.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
The Palestinian census counted 2,881,687 West Bank residents in 2017. What the population record, Israel’s own state reviews and its court rulings document.
The 2005 Sasson Report, the 2012 Levy Report, a 2016 High Court order and the UN inquiry: what each document records about outposts and enforcement.
Israel grew from 2 million to over 10 million; the West Bank and Gaza from 2 million to 5.4 million. The growth, and why the counts behind it are disputed.
In the research, Zionism is measured as support for a Jewish state, reached through anti-Israel attitudes and denial of Jewish self-determination, its closest proxy.
The research does not settle whether anti-Zionism is antisemitism. A mediation model explains more than 55% of the variance in anti-Israel attitudes.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.