98 results for “Israeli Supreme Court”
Israel’s Law of Return gives Jews a direct route and extends it to five classes of non-Jewish relatives. The statutes, counts and court record.
Israel’s 2018 Basic Law reserves self-determination to Jews. The statutes, the ethnic-democracy typology and the official counts, read in full.
Israel voted against resolution 3236 in 1974, 89 to 8. Its entry statutes, the 1950 absentee laws and the land record show what followed.
South Africa’s apartheid statute book, Act by Act, set beside Israel’s enacted texts and court rulings: where the instruments align and where they differ.
Israel’s 1948 Declaration credits Herzl with convening the 1897 congress; a clause making self-determination exclusive to Jews was enacted in 2018.
Three Israeli statutes name Jews as a legal category. A reading of their text, the 1992 Basic Law and the Supreme Court’s 2000 equality ruling.
Israel’s Supreme Court in 2000 found no contradiction between Jewish statehood and equality. The statutes and scholarship are read beside it.
A 1979 Israeli Supreme Court judgment, a 1967 military order and a 2005 government review record how seizure orders take West Bank land.
Israel’s statistics bureau splits births from migration. A 2005 outpost review and Supreme Court rulings record where settlement homes stand.
Israel’s own 2005 review named the ministries that financed unauthorized outposts. What its counts, the land instruments and Oslo II show.
One state has filed a genocide case against Israel; others use the word in motions, speeches and scholarship. The dated record, with Israel’s own counts.
Under the 1858 Ottoman Code, three fallow years created a tapu right, not a seizure. The court record, statutes and counts on how land changed hands.
Israel’s Supreme Court ruled 5 to 0 for Palestinian landowners in 1979 on title. What land codes, statutes and resolutions rest claims on.
The 2018 Basic Law has no equality clause and no clause authorizing unequal treatment. Reading its text, the 1992 Basic Law and three court rulings.
Israel’s Supreme Court declared a state land allocation discriminatory in 2000. What the ruling, the founding texts and the official counts record.
The colonial argument about Zionism, traced to dated records: the 1922 Mandate, the 1950 land statutes, two court rulings and official counts.
Zionism’s founding texts, both statistics bureaus, the Gaza war record and Israel’s statutes, read against three meanings of “eliminate.”
Israel’s stated test sets no fixed civilian toll. Reported thresholds, the IDF’s own procedures and both parties’ counts, read side by side.
COGAT’s own record shows a 2 March to 19 May 2025 nil-entry period; Israel’s Supreme Court tied the term to disproportionate use in 2014.
The list of 15 former Israeli leaders names 14. Six apply the word to the present; the rest warn, use other words, or trace to someone else.
No state has published a recognition of sovereignty over East Jerusalem. What the recorded votes, the enacted texts and both bureaus’ counts show.
Four dated texts from 1885 to 1919 state the objection in their authors’ own words, against Pew’s measured shares and Israel’s own enacted law.
Israel’s founding text, statutes and census tie Jewish identity to the land; 45% of US Jews call caring about Israel essential to being Jewish.
An Israeli veterans’ group has collected accounts from over 1,000 soldiers since 2004. What a testimony archive can and cannot measure.
The occupation dates to June 1967, 59 years by 2026. What the military orders, Oslo II and Israel’s own court record show about its length.
Israel’s immigration law, its census boundary and its courts each treat the Jewish majority differently. What the statutes and the counts record.
The case that Zionism is racist rests on a revoked 1975 UN vote, two Israeli statutes and rival scholarship. What each text says.
Eight claims in the dispute over NAZA, the IDF record that would test each, and what has been published from it for this war.
The IDF says NAZA’s interviewees had to report what they saw. Its ethics code, the black-flag test and 74 investigations show what that means.
The IDF’s own definition of who may be attacked, its strike chart, 18 clips of its footage and Israel’s 2015 war report, set against NAZA’s claims.
The term attaches to named parcels of territory, not to a state. What the instruments, Israel’s own court record and each population register show.
The instruments governing forced displacement carry no term of years. Where duration is legally operative, it is in property law.
Article 68 of the Ottoman Land Code says fallow land becomes the right of Tapu, not that it reverts to the state. Reading the articles as enacted.
The 1995 Interim Agreement splits the West Bank into three jurisdictions and assigns title to none of them. What the governing instruments say.
What the 1995 Interim Agreement, two Israeli outpost judgments and a 1933 treaty actually say about settlements, Area C jurisdiction and statehood.
South Africa’s own state commission listed 120 apartheid Acts with dates; Israel’s record on the same dimensions is a different set of instruments.
What the registers, censuses, audits and court files record about the machinery a Palestinian state would run on, and where the record holds nothing.
Israel’s own register, EU planning and demolition data, the two totals that diverge by 18,518 units, and where the label is disputed but the counts are not.
Israel’s Knesset can unseat a member by 90 of 120 votes and rejected Palestinian statehood 68 to 9. What the enacted record and the courts show.
Israel’s parliament voted 68 to 9 against Palestinian statehood in July 2024. What the recorded votes and the law of occupation each hold.
Occupation findings attach to territory, not to a people: what the treaty text, Israel’s registers and the 1922 and 1947 instruments record.
Aggression is a defined legal term with one deciding forum. What the 1974 definition, the recorded votes and each party’s own counts record.
A UN commission estimated 710,000 Palestinians driven out in 1948 to 1949. What the counts, the founding text and the court record hold.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
Israeli Jewish support for a detailed final-status package measured 25% in the September 2024 joint survey. What the rest of the record holds.
The army was named by order of Israel’s Provisional Government on 26 May 1948. What the legal record, the army’s own code and coded corpora show.
In a 2022 JPPI survey, 47% of Israeli Jews called the claim highly accurate. What the surveys, the army’s own code and its own investigation counts record.
Four classes of evidence carry the settler-colonial reading of Zionism. What the named literature, the framework’s criteria and the enacted texts record.
The illegality finding traces to one sentence of the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention. What the clause says, and where the reading is disputed.
Six moral grounds recur in the named literature on Palestinian return, from corrective justice to peoplehood. What each text actually says.
One clause of the 1973 Apartheid Convention names the right to return. What the treaty text, Resolution 194 and Israel’s enacted records hold.
Israel’s Law of Return, its 1952 Citizenship Law, the court record on family reunification, and why four published refugee counts differ by millions.
The military’s own probe counted five warning signs on the night of 6 to 7 October. What each account of ignored warnings actually records.
The 2018 Basic Law’s eleven clauses, the 2021 High Court ruling that upheld it, and what Israel’s own statistical registers count.
The 2018 Basic Law’s Article 1(c) makes national self-determination exclusive to the Jewish People. What the text, the vote and the ruling record.
No treaty body names one. What the 1989 criteria, the 2007 UN vote and the two official statistical registers actually record.
The State Department’s 2023 report, Israel’s own enacted texts and the 2024 transfer of civil powers, against the figures nobody publishes.
4,780,978 enumerated in 2017: what the censuses, Israel’s own counts and the named scholarship record about continuity of presence.
Roughly 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in 1947 to 1949, per Morris’s archival history. What the archives, statutes and recorded votes hold.
Four NGOs and two UN mandate bodies carry the war-crimes findings on Gaza; Israel’s own prosecutors report 74 investigations from 1,000+ referrals.
The published apartheid arguments rest on a three-element treaty test. What each element claims, and what the primary records hold.
Israel’s military prosecutors report 74 criminal investigations; the wider war-crimes record is incident-level, dated and largely unadjudicated.
Geneva Convention IV names torture of protected persons a grave breach. What the treaty text, Israel’s court rulings and its own counts record.
Four named bodies have issued findings of systematic attacks since 2023. What the treaty standard requires, and what Israel’s own investigation counts record.
Named determinations, WHO screening figures, the Rome Statute’s intent standard and each party’s own published counts on child hunger in Gaza.
The 1973 Apartheid Convention names the right to a nationality once. What the treaty text, the dated determinations and Israel’s own records hold.
Israel has held the West Bank and East Jerusalem since June 1967. What the treaty texts, court records and official statistics document.
Which settlement policies the apartheid determinations name, why the settler counts differ, and what Israel’s own statistics and the treaty texts record.
Three moral conclusions the colonial framing draws, the named texts that draw them, where those texts split, and what Israel’s own enacted records say.
Deprivation figures, the 1948 Convention text, court orders and each party’s own aid counts on whether restrictions worsened conditions in Gaza.
No tribunal outside Israel has ruled on the 2018 nation-state law. What the enacted text, ICERD’s definition and the 2021 judgment hold.
The Gaza Ministry of Health counted 274 killed in one 2024 raid; Israel’s military reports 74 investigations opened. What each record measures.
Two documents enumerate four and five characteristics. What the treaty definition, the census counts and Israel’s own statistics record about each.
Eight incidents recur across the published compilations, from April 1948 to October 2023. One produced a criminal conviction in an Israeli court.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
Four bodies published genocide findings on Gaza between 2024 and 2025. What each documented, which standard it applied, and what Israel published.
The dignity phrasing traces to one 2008 humanitarian assessment. What the published characterizations, the treaty text and each party’s counts hold.
Israel’s West Bank settler count reached 503,732 in 2024; the Sinai was returned by treaty in 1982. What the statutes, votes and counts record.
The phrase names four practices. No treaty defines it as an offence. Reading the published definitions, Israel’s enacted texts and the counts.
No court has ruled on a single strike. What UN determinations, satellite analysis and Israel’s own investigation counts each record, and what each measures.
Four determinations apply the term between 2021 and 2022, none of them judicial. What the treaty text, the enacted law and the court record hold.
Three treaties define apartheid differently. What each requires, which ones Israel has ratified, and what the one judicial instrument on record held.
The 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, the Supreme Court upheld it in 2021, and Israel’s own statistics count 2.13 million Arab citizens.
The 1948 Genocide Convention lists five acts. Which bodies say the Gaza pattern meets that standard, and what Israel’s own records count.
Named bodies allege direct attacks on civilians. Israel’s military advocate reports 74 criminal investigations from over 1,000 referred incidents.
The characterization traces to a 1973 treaty definition and to determinations published between January 2021 and February 2022. What each record holds.
Four determinations published between January 2021 and March 2022 carry the finding. What the treaty text requires, and what the records hold.
Two dated documents, one internal rejection, a named legal disagreement over intent, and the counts each party publishes.
Israel’s 2018 Basic Law, the Levy and Sasson reviews, and the Palestinian census records, set against the river-to-sea reading of Zionism’s stated end.
The 1948 Declaration, the 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, and two Supreme Court rulings: what the dated documents behind the claim actually say.
Published totals run from about 1 million to more than 17 million dunams. What each figure counts, and which body measured it.
Israel’s Nation-State Basic Law passed 62 to 55 in 2018 with no equality clause. What the enacted texts, commissioned reviews and court rulings record.
Two statistical agencies count two populations on one small territory: 878 persons per km² in 2021, 5,853 in Gaza, 10.148 million in Israel.
The Palestinian census counted 2,881,687 West Bank residents in 2017. What the population record, Israel’s own state reviews and its court rulings document.
The 2005 Sasson Report, the 2012 Levy Report, a 2016 High Court order and the UN inquiry: what each document records about outposts and enforcement.
Seven Israeli laws carry the label. One is a Basic Law, passed 62 to 55 in July 2018 and upheld 10 to 1 by the Supreme Court in July 2021.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.