65 results for “Civilian Harm”
One state has filed a genocide case against Israel; others use the word in motions, speeches and scholarship. The dated record, with Israel’s own counts.
Israel’s own documents name two Gaza war aims: the hostages and Hamas’s military capacity. Its counts, aid record and Knesset vote add detail.
Four recorded votes on Israel security assistance, 2021 to 2024, the statutes that condition US transfers, and how voters answer the same question.
Israel’s stated test sets no fixed civilian toll. Reported thresholds, the IDF’s own procedures and both parties’ counts, read side by side.
COGAT’s own record shows a 2 March to 19 May 2025 nil-entry period; Israel’s Supreme Court tied the term to disproportionate use in 2014.
One state has filed a genocide claim against Israel at the World Court. Others used the word in speeches and motions; no register counts recognitions.
An Israeli veterans’ group has collected accounts from over 1,000 soldiers since 2004. What a testimony archive can and cannot measure.
UNESCO has verified damage to 164 heritage sites in Gaza as of March 2026. What the treaty elements require, and what has actually been charged and tried.
Eight claims in the dispute over NAZA, the IDF record that would test each, and what has been published from it for this war.
The IDF says NAZA’s interviewees had to report what they saw. Its ethics code, the black-flag test and 74 investigations show what that means.
Israel’s own records back the IDF’s answer to NAZA with a map and cases, not a count. What they show about Hamas and civilian sites.
Two IDF clips show strikes diverted after the Gaza ceasefire began. What they, resolution 2803 and each party’s ledger show about how it held.
The IDF kept a 630-sector map of who stayed in Gaza. What it, Israel’s warning counts and IDF footage show about NAZA’s claim on populated areas.
The one target card Israel has published lists a family at the target. What it, and Israel’s rules on warnings, show about NAZA’s claim.
The IDF’s own definition of who may be attacked, its strike chart, 18 clips of its footage and Israel’s 2015 war report, set against NAZA’s claims.
What an IDF targeting presentation and 18 clips of IDF strike footage show about the documentary NAZA’s claim that civilian deaths were built into approvals.
The IDF’s nine targeting stages name no software. What they, its account of Habsora and Lavender, and 18 clips show about NAZA’s AI claim.
Four registers count the occupation’s human cost across different territories and years. What each one measures, and where the counting stops.
Article 16 sets two cumulative conditions for complicity. United States arms law uses neither, and names international humanitarian law nowhere.
The duty not to recognize or assist is stated outright in a text never opened for signature. What the treaty sentence and the export statutes actually say.
The 1948 Genocide Convention runs to 19 articles and none states a defence. Where self-defence sits instead, and which question each instrument answers.
One register counts Gaza’s children as children: the Gaza Ministry of Health’s, at 15,613 of 50,021. What its own documents record, and what Israel’s do not.
Security Council resolution 2803 uses the word violation zero times. What the one mandated report and each party’s own count actually record.
US law has barred assistance to governments that restrict humanitarian aid since 1996. What the entry counts and the site enumeration each measured.
Aggression is a defined legal term with one deciding forum. What the 1974 definition, the recorded votes and each party’s own counts record.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
The army was named by order of Israel’s Provisional Government on 26 May 1948. What the legal record, the army’s own code and coded corpora show.
In a 2022 JPPI survey, 47% of Israeli Jews called the claim highly accurate. What the surveys, the army’s own code and its own investigation counts record.
A BBC investigation compiled 168 cases of children shot in Gaza, 95 in the head or chest. What the records establish and what they do not.
The military’s own probe counted five warning signs on the night of 6 to 7 October. What each account of ignored warnings actually records.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
The State Department’s 2023 report, Israel’s own enacted texts and the 2024 transfer of civil powers, against the figures nobody publishes.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
UNICEF, a World Bank, EU and UN damage assessment and Israel’s own agencies each publish a different piece of the Gaza picture. What the dated counts record.
Four NGOs and two UN mandate bodies carry the war-crimes findings on Gaza; Israel’s own prosecutors report 74 investigations from 1,000+ referrals.
Israel’s military prosecutors report 74 criminal investigations; the wider war-crimes record is incident-level, dated and largely unadjudicated.
Geneva Convention IV names torture of protected persons a grave breach. What the treaty text, Israel’s court rulings and its own counts record.
Four named bodies have issued findings of systematic attacks since 2023. What the treaty standard requires, and what Israel’s own investigation counts record.
No court has ruled on starvation as a method of war in Gaza. What the treaty text, the famine classification and Israel’s own aid counts record.
Four bodies issued deliberate-starvation determinations from 2023 to 2025; the judicial record reaches only reasonable grounds. What each figure measures.
Named determinations, WHO screening figures, the Rome Statute’s intent standard and each party’s own published counts on child hunger in Gaza.
Israel has held the West Bank and East Jerusalem since June 1967. What the treaty texts, court records and official statistics document.
The Gaza Ministry of Health counted 274 killed in one 2024 raid; Israel’s military reports 74 investigations opened. What each record measures.
Two documents enumerate four and five characteristics. What the treaty definition, the census counts and Israel’s own statistics record about each.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Eight incidents recur across the published compilations, from April 1948 to October 2023. One produced a criminal conviction in an Israeli court.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
The 1948 Genocide Convention supplies the definition, the duty and the clause behind the Gaza case. What the record holds, article by article, dated.
Four bodies published genocide findings on Gaza between 2024 and 2025. What each documented, which standard it applied, and what Israel published.
The Genocide Convention sets no threshold count. What the recorded tolls, the peer-reviewed survey estimate and the court record show.
Five dated determinations from 2023 to 2025, the standard each one applied, and the counts Israel and Gaza health officials each publish.
No court has ruled on a single strike. What UN determinations, satellite analysis and Israel’s own investigation counts each record, and what each measures.
A Lancet Global Health survey estimated 75,200 violent deaths in Gaza to January 2025; the health ministry has recorded 460 malnutrition deaths.
The 1948 Convention sets two elements, a UN commission found four of five acts in 2025, and no court has ruled on the merits.
The 1948 Genocide Convention lists five acts. Which bodies say the Gaza pattern meets that standard, and what Israel’s own records count.
No court has ruled. What the issued findings say, what the legal standard requires, and what the official population and military counts record.
Named bodies allege direct attacks on civilians. Israel’s military advocate reports 74 criminal investigations from over 1,000 referred incidents.
No court has entered a verdict. What the warrants, the treaty standards, the named findings and the parties’ own counts record.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
Gaza’s health ministry recorded 236,505 dead and injured by October 2025. What each count measures, and what each party publishes.
Two dated documents, one internal rejection, a named legal disagreement over intent, and the counts each party publishes.
US coverage carries one direct-death registry. Named bodies challenge it in both directions: 41% underreporting in The Lancet, and a 41,000 civilian ceiling.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.