56 results for “Self-Determination”
The list of 15 former Israeli leaders names 14. Six apply the word to the present; the rest warn, use other words, or trace to someone else.
The plan’s only statehood clause says conditions “may” allow a pathway. What the Council text, the 1933 criteria and each party’s own words record.
Four dated texts from 1885 to 1919 state the objection in their authors’ own words, against Pew’s measured shares and Israel’s own enacted law.
Israel’s founding text, statutes and census tie Jewish identity to the land; 45% of US Jews call caring about Israel essential to being Jewish.
Resolution 3236 of 1974 calls return an inalienable right. It passed 89 to 8 with 37 abstentions and restates a 1948 paragraph without its compensation clause.
Three UN resolutions across 22 years attach self-determination and statehood to the Palestinian people. None uses the treaty category of indigeneity.
The occupation dates to June 1967, 59 years by 2026. What the military orders, Oslo II and Israel’s own court record show about its length.
Israel’s immigration law, its census boundary and its courts each treat the Jewish majority differently. What the statutes and the counts record.
The case that Zionism is racist rests on a revoked 1975 UN vote, two Israeli statutes and rival scholarship. What each text says.
Two dated 2026 Palestinian statements set against a survey of 1,270 people that recorded 44% support and 50% opposition on a bare two-state item.
South Africa’s own state commission listed 120 apartheid Acts with dates; Israel’s record on the same dimensions is a different set of instruments.
Israel’s Knesset can unseat a member by 90 of 120 votes and rejected Palestinian statehood 68 to 9. What the enacted record and the courts show.
Israel’s parliament voted 68 to 9 against Palestinian statehood in July 2024. What the recorded votes and the law of occupation each hold.
Occupation findings attach to territory, not to a people: what the treaty text, Israel’s registers and the 1922 and 1947 instruments record.
26.9% of UK media comments on the May 2021 escalation were coded antisemitic. What the corpora, incident records and surveys measure.
A UN commission estimated 710,000 Palestinians driven out in 1948 to 1949. What the counts, the founding text and the court record hold.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
The 1948 displacement, cause by cause: what the archival typology assigns to military operations, expulsion orders, and fear.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
Israeli Jewish support for a detailed final-status package measured 25% in the September 2024 joint survey. What the rest of the record holds.
ZOG is an acronym for a claim of hidden Jewish control of government. What the definitions, the measured online corpora and the public record hold.
Four classes of evidence carry the settler-colonial reading of Zionism. What the named literature, the framework’s criteria and the enacted texts record.
Six moral grounds recur in the named literature on Palestinian return, from corrective justice to peoplehood. What each text actually says.
One clause of the 1973 Apartheid Convention names the right to return. What the treaty text, Resolution 194 and Israel’s enacted records hold.
Israel’s Law of Return, its 1952 Citizenship Law, the court record on family reunification, and why four published refugee counts differ by millions.
The 2018 Basic Law’s eleven clauses, the 2021 High Court ruling that upheld it, and what Israel’s own statistical registers count.
The 2018 Basic Law’s Article 1(c) makes national self-determination exclusive to the Jewish People. What the text, the vote and the ruling record.
No treaty body names one. What the 1989 criteria, the 2007 UN vote and the two official statistical registers actually record.
The State Department’s 2023 report, Israel’s own enacted texts and the 2024 transfer of civil powers, against the figures nobody publishes.
4,780,978 enumerated in 2017: what the censuses, Israel’s own counts and the named scholarship record about continuity of presence.
Published shares of Jewish landholding at the end of the Mandate run from 2.1% to 7.6%. Reading the registers, the purchases and the 1948 instruments.
The published apartheid arguments rest on a three-element treaty test. What each element claims, and what the primary records hold.
The 1973 Apartheid Convention names the right to a nationality once. What the treaty text, the dated determinations and Israel’s own records hold.
Israel has held the West Bank and East Jerusalem since June 1967. What the treaty texts, court records and official statistics document.
Which settlement policies the apartheid determinations name, why the settler counts differ, and what Israel’s own statistics and the treaty texts record.
Three moral conclusions the colonial framing draws, the named texts that draw them, where those texts split, and what Israel’s own enacted records say.
No tribunal outside Israel has ruled on the 2018 nation-state law. What the enacted text, ICERD’s definition and the 2021 judgment hold.
Two documents enumerate four and five characteristics. What the treaty definition, the census counts and Israel’s own statistics record about each.
Israel’s West Bank settler count reached 503,732 in 2024; the Sinai was returned by treaty in 1982. What the statutes, votes and counts record.
The phrase names four practices. No treaty defines it as an offence. Reading the published definitions, Israel’s enacted texts and the counts.
Four determinations apply the term between 2021 and 2022, none of them judicial. What the treaty text, the enacted law and the court record hold.
Three treaties define apartheid differently. What each requires, which ones Israel has ratified, and what the one judicial instrument on record held.
The 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, the Supreme Court upheld it in 2021, and Israel’s own statistics count 2.13 million Arab citizens.
Israel’s own count records 2.13 million Arab citizens and residents. What the statutes, the 1949 refugee record and the scholarship hold.
The characterization traces to a 1973 treaty definition and to determinations published between January 2021 and February 2022. What each record holds.
What a 2024 UK tribunal ruled, what the ADL and INSS standards set as the line, and what coded discourse studies measure about self-determination.
Two dated documents, one internal rejection, a named legal disagreement over intent, and the counts each party publishes.
What coded corpora, two recorded UN votes and national incident records show about the word Zionist used as an accusation.
Israel’s 2018 Basic Law, the Levy and Sasson reviews, and the Palestinian census records, set against the river-to-sea reading of Zionism’s stated end.
The 1948 Declaration, the 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, and two Supreme Court rulings: what the dated documents behind the claim actually say.
Three instruments, two archive-based histories and one recorded vote: what the texts and counts behind the 1948 displacement actually say.
Israel’s Nation-State Basic Law passed 62 to 55 in 2018 with no equality clause. What the enacted texts, commissioned reviews and court rulings record.
Seven Israeli laws carry the label. One is a Basic Law, passed 62 to 55 in July 2018 and upheld 10 to 1 by the Supreme Court in July 2021.
Zionism and Judaism are not synonyms: one is a political movement, the other a religion and peoplehood. A model shows how the two attitudes connect.
In the research, Zionism is measured as support for a Jewish state, reached through anti-Israel attitudes and denial of Jewish self-determination, its closest proxy.
The research does not settle whether anti-Zionism is antisemitism. A mediation model explains more than 55% of the variance in anti-Israel attitudes.