47 results for “Aggression”
Palestinians used 86.3 litres of water a day in 2021 against a 100-litre reference, and bought 22% of their water from Israel’s national utility.
The Palestinian bureau recorded 5,853 people per square kilometre in Gaza. What both statistical registers count, and where they disagree.
The 1948 Genocide Convention runs to 19 articles and none states a defence. Where self-defence sits instead, and which question each instrument answers.
A Lancet study reports 16,699 of 28,257 recorded Gaza deaths, 59.1%, as women, children under 18 and people 65 and over. Each share counts a different base.
One peer-reviewed test estimated 64,260 traumatic-injury deaths against 37,877 reported; a research institute puts a civilian ceiling at 41,000.
26.9% of UK media comments on the May 2021 escalation were coded antisemitic. What the corpora, incident records and surveys measure.
Aggression is a defined legal term with one deciding forum. What the 1974 definition, the recorded votes and each party’s own counts record.
A UN commission estimated 710,000 Palestinians driven out in 1948 to 1949. What the counts, the founding text and the court record hold.
The 1948 displacement, cause by cause: what the archival typology assigns to military operations, expulsion orders, and fear.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
A BBC investigation compiled 168 cases of children shot in Gaza, 95 in the head or chest. What the records establish and what they do not.
Six moral grounds recur in the named literature on Palestinian return, from corrective justice to peoplehood. What each text actually says.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
No treaty body names one. What the 1989 criteria, the 2007 UN vote and the two official statistical registers actually record.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
UNICEF, a World Bank, EU and UN damage assessment and Israel’s own agencies each publish a different piece of the Gaza picture. What the dated counts record.
4,780,978 enumerated in 2017: what the censuses, Israel’s own counts and the named scholarship record about continuity of presence.
Israel’s military prosecutors report 74 criminal investigations; the wider war-crimes record is incident-level, dated and largely unadjudicated.
Four named bodies have issued findings of systematic attacks since 2023. What the treaty standard requires, and what Israel’s own investigation counts record.
No court has ruled on starvation as a method of war in Gaza. What the treaty text, the famine classification and Israel’s own aid counts record.
Four bodies issued deliberate-starvation determinations from 2023 to 2025; the judicial record reaches only reasonable grounds. What each figure measures.
Named determinations, WHO screening figures, the Rome Statute’s intent standard and each party’s own published counts on child hunger in Gaza.
Deprivation figures, the 1948 Convention text, court orders and each party’s own aid counts on whether restrictions worsened conditions in Gaza.
The Gaza Ministry of Health counted 274 killed in one 2024 raid; Israel’s military reports 74 investigations opened. What each record measures.
Two documents enumerate four and five characteristics. What the treaty definition, the census counts and Israel’s own statistics record about each.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Four bodies published genocide findings on Gaza between 2024 and 2025. What each documented, which standard it applied, and what Israel published.
The Genocide Convention sets no threshold count. What the recorded tolls, the peer-reviewed survey estimate and the court record show.
The dignity phrasing traces to one 2008 humanitarian assessment. What the published characterizations, the treaty text and each party’s counts hold.
Five dated determinations from 2023 to 2025, the standard each one applied, and the counts Israel and Gaza health officials each publish.
The phrase names four practices. No treaty defines it as an offence. Reading the published definitions, Israel’s enacted texts and the counts.
Four Palestinian population statuses appear in the official records, each counted by a different body. What each one measures, and where the evidence thins.
The 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, the Supreme Court upheld it in 2021, and Israel’s own statistics count 2.13 million Arab citizens.
No court has ruled. What the issued findings say, what the legal standard requires, and what the official population and military counts record.
Named bodies allege direct attacks on civilians. Israel’s military advocate reports 74 criminal investigations from over 1,000 referred incidents.
The characterization traces to a 1973 treaty definition and to determinations published between January 2021 and February 2022. What each record holds.
What a 2024 UK tribunal ruled, what the ADL and INSS standards set as the line, and what coded discourse studies measure about self-determination.
No court has entered a verdict. What the warrants, the treaty standards, the named findings and the parties’ own counts record.
Roughly 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in 1948. What the archives, Israel’s founding declaration and the recorded UN votes document.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
Gaza’s health ministry recorded 236,505 dead and injured by October 2025. What each count measures, and what each party publishes.
Two dated documents, one internal rejection, a named legal disagreement over intent, and the counts each party publishes.
What coded corpora, two recorded UN votes and national incident records show about the word Zionist used as an accusation.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
The research does not settle whether anti-Zionism is antisemitism. A mediation model explains more than 55% of the variance in anti-Israel attitudes.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.