Why is Israel blocking UNRWA? The two Knesset laws and Israel’s own intelligence
The Knesset voted 92 to 10 in 2024 to bar UNRWA. What its sponsors said, what Israel counts, what UN inquiries found, and where the laws reach.
67 results for “Antisemitism Research”
The Knesset voted 92 to 10 in 2024 to bar UNRWA. What its sponsors said, what Israel counts, what UN inquiries found, and where the laws reach.
Archival history puts the 1948 exodus near 700,000, with expulsions in some sectors; a 1949 UN count and a 1950 Israeli law recorded no cause.
Israel voted against resolution 3236 in 1974, 89 to 8. Its entry statutes, the 1950 absentee laws and the land record show what followed.
Israel’s 1948 Declaration credits Herzl with convening the 1897 congress; a clause making self-determination exclusive to Jews was enacted in 2018.
A 1975 UN vote classed Zionism as racism and was revoked in 1991. Israel’s statutes, birth counts, typologies and surveys, read against the claim.
Ahad Ha’am set out the problem in 1891; the 1931 census counted Jews at 16.9%. The dated texts from Basel to Peel, quoted in their own words.
Israel’s founding text ties the state to the 1897 Zionist Congress. Rival Jewish platforms and official counts show where the two split.
Pinsker (1882) and Herzl (1896) put antisemitism at the centre; the 1897 Basel Program never names it. The founding record, read in full.
The ADL defines ZOG as a white supremacist acronym for Jewish control of the US government. A 2022 survey put a related power belief at 20%.
A 1919 anti-Zionist petition, three antisemitism definitions, Israel’s statutes and a 1995 survey on rejecting a Jewish state versus rejecting Jews.
Israel’s 2018 Basic Law cites a “historical right” to self-determination. What the statutes, population counts and named scholarship record.
Four dated texts from 1885 to 1919 state the objection in their authors’ own words, against Pew’s measured shares and Israel’s own enacted law.
Israel’s founding text, statutes and census tie Jewish identity to the land; 45% of US Jews call caring about Israel essential to being Jewish.
The case that Zionism is racist rests on a revoked 1975 UN vote, two Israeli statutes and rival scholarship. What each text says.
The Palestinian bureau recorded 5,853 people per square kilometre in Gaza. What both statistical registers count, and where they disagree.
Article 68 of the Ottoman Land Code says fallow land becomes the right of Tapu, not that it reverts to the state. Reading the articles as enacted.
The 1995 Interim Agreement splits the West Bank into three jurisdictions and assigns title to none of them. What the governing instruments say.
What the 1995 Interim Agreement, two Israeli outpost judgments and a 1933 treaty actually say about settlements, Area C jurisdiction and statehood.
26.9% of UK media comments on the May 2021 escalation were coded antisemitic. What the corpora, incident records and surveys measure.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
The 1948 displacement, cause by cause: what the archival typology assigns to military operations, expulsion orders, and fear.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
ZOG is an acronym for a claim of hidden Jewish control of government. What the definitions, the measured online corpora and the public record hold.
The army was named by order of Israel’s Provisional Government on 26 May 1948. What the legal record, the army’s own code and coded corpora show.
In a 2022 JPPI survey, 47% of Israeli Jews called the claim highly accurate. What the surveys, the army’s own code and its own investigation counts record.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
UNICEF, a World Bank, EU and UN damage assessment and Israel’s own agencies each publish a different piece of the Gaza picture. What the dated counts record.
An 1886 clash, a labor ratio, boundary and grazing disputes in the colony archives: what the dated record holds on early Zionist and Palestinian contact.
Three published definitions of antisemitism split on boycotts. What the texts, the official adoptions and the survey record actually state.
The published apartheid arguments rest on a three-element treaty test. What each element claims, and what the primary records hold.
Israel’s military prosecutors report 74 criminal investigations; the wider war-crimes record is incident-level, dated and largely unadjudicated.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
Four bodies published genocide findings on Gaza between 2024 and 2025. What each documented, which standard it applied, and what Israel published.
Five dated determinations from 2023 to 2025, the standard each one applied, and the counts Israel and Gaza health officials each publish.
No court has ruled on a single strike. What UN determinations, satellite analysis and Israel’s own investigation counts each record, and what each measures.
The 1948 Convention sets two elements, a UN commission found four of five acts in 2025, and no court has ruled on the merits.
No court has ruled. What the issued findings say, what the legal standard requires, and what the official population and military counts record.
The characterization traces to a 1973 treaty definition and to determinations published between January 2021 and February 2022. What each record holds.
What a 2024 UK tribunal ruled, what the ADL and INSS standards set as the line, and what coded discourse studies measure about self-determination.
No court has entered a verdict. What the warrants, the treaty standards, the named findings and the parties’ own counts record.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
Gaza’s health ministry recorded 236,505 dead and injured by October 2025. What each count measures, and what each party publishes.
Two dated documents, one internal rejection, a named legal disagreement over intent, and the counts each party publishes.
What coded corpora, two recorded UN votes and national incident records show about the word Zionist used as an accusation.
Israel’s 2018 Basic Law, the Levy and Sasson reviews, and the Palestinian census records, set against the river-to-sea reading of Zionism’s stated end.
Recorded votes, FEC filings and ethics disclosures on AIPAC funding and how Congress votes on Israel security assistance.
The 1948 Declaration, the 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, and two Supreme Court rulings: what the dated documents behind the claim actually say.
The State Department recorded 1,277 settler-violence incidents in 2023 and 1,442 Palestinians displaced. What each record and mapping actually counts.
Two statistical agencies count two populations on one small territory: 878 persons per km² in 2021, 5,853 in Gaza, 10.148 million in Israel.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
Seven Israeli laws carry the label. One is a Basic Law, passed 62 to 55 in July 2018 and upheld 10 to 1 by the Supreme Court in July 2021.
We asked ChatGPT and Reddit search the same 20 Rothschild questions. ChatGPT refuted the conspiracy every time; Reddit affirmed it about seven to one.
The FBI logged 1,938 anti-Jewish hate crimes in 2024 and the ADL logged 9,354. Two national counts, five times apart, read category by category to find the gap.
Three documented records, foreign funding, protest arrests, and antisemitic incidents, matched across 20 US campuses to see which ones actually move together.
A study of the conspiracy-of-power trope in two places: the top of search debunks it, while the conspiracy community where it lives affirms it about six times as often.
Antisemitism is mostly written in code, not slurs. This guide decodes the coded lexicon, shows how it evades detection, and tracks its measured rise.
A lexical analysis of 47,534 words of dialogue from 16 iconic Jewish screen characters: how often their language turns to money, charity, faith, and force.
A first-party study of the language in the 36 most-watched Israel-Gaza explainer videos: contested-claim verdicts, who is named the actor, and the words used for each side.
A first reading of the Institute’s search-attention tally: searches for the great replacement rose about 240% year over year, anti-Zionism about 209%.
Zionism and Judaism are not synonyms: one is a political movement, the other a religion and peoplehood. A model shows how the two attitudes connect.
In the research, Zionism is measured as support for a Jewish state, reached through anti-Israel attitudes and denial of Jewish self-determination, its closest proxy.
Tests of today’s leading AI chatbots find measurable bias against racial, ethnic, and religious groups, with the size varying sharply by model.
The research does not settle whether anti-Zionism is antisemitism. A mediation model explains more than 55% of the variance in anti-Israel attitudes.
Antisemitic expression rises alongside conflict, not necessarily from it: the October 7 spike hit within minutes, with parallel rises at earlier flashpoints.