73 results for “Palestinian Identity”
Israel’s energy minister halted the last grid line on 9 March 2025, and Israel’s own aid portal records zero entry from 2 March to 19 May 2025.
No state has published a recognition of sovereignty over East Jerusalem. What the recorded votes, the enacted texts and both bureaus’ counts show.
Israel’s founding text, statutes and census tie Jewish identity to the land; 45% of US Jews call caring about Israel essential to being Jewish.
Three UN resolutions across 22 years attach self-determination and statehood to the Palestinian people. None uses the treaty category of indigeneity.
Israel’s immigration law, its census boundary and its courts each treat the Jewish majority differently. What the statutes and the counts record.
The case that Zionism is racist rests on a revoked 1975 UN vote, two Israeli statutes and rival scholarship. What each text says.
The IDF says NAZA’s interviewees had to report what they saw. Its ethics code, the black-flag test and 74 investigations show what that means.
What an IDF targeting presentation and 18 clips of IDF strike footage show about the documentary NAZA’s claim that civilian deaths were built into approvals.
The instruments governing forced displacement carry no term of years. Where duration is legally operative, it is in property law.
Four registers count the occupation’s human cost across different territories and years. What each one measures, and where the counting stops.
The Palestinian bureau recorded 5,853 people per square kilometre in Gaza. What both statistical registers count, and where they disagree.
The Gaza health ministry publishes children at 30% and women at 16% of martyrs. Which of its two documents carries a sex and an age, and which does not.
Gaza’s health ministry published 21,323 records in its first name-by-name list, and no list carries a date of death. What the documents show.
The duty not to recognize or assist is stated outright in a text never opened for signature. What the treaty sentence and the export statutes actually say.
The 1.5% to 3.8% accuracy claim traces to one uncited sentence in a Lancet letter. What the Gaza health ministry publishes about its own lists.
1,046,400 children under 18 lived in Gaza at mid-2023 on the bureau’s own projection, and the ministry that counts children among the dead counts no missing.
One register counts Gaza’s children as children: the Gaza Ministry of Health’s, at 15,613 of 50,021. What its own documents record, and what Israel’s do not.
The Ministry of Health in Gaza published 21,323 named records to 29 March 2024. What its four lists hold, what it excludes, and what no column records.
A Lancet study reports 16,699 of 28,257 recorded Gaza deaths, 59.1%, as women, children under 18 and people 65 and over. Each share counts a different base.
South Africa’s own state commission listed 120 apartheid Acts with dates; Israel’s record on the same dimensions is a different set of instruments.
Israel’s Knesset can unseat a member by 90 of 120 votes and rejected Palestinian statehood 68 to 9. What the enacted record and the courts show.
Israel’s parliament voted 68 to 9 against Palestinian statehood in July 2024. What the recorded votes and the law of occupation each hold.
1.3 million dunums registered since 2016, 24,258 dunams declared state land in 2024, and what a 1907 treaty text says about a land register.
26.9% of UK media comments on the May 2021 escalation were coded antisemitic. What the corpora, incident records and surveys measure.
A UN commission estimated 710,000 Palestinians driven out in 1948 to 1949. What the counts, the founding text and the court record hold.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
The 1948 displacement, cause by cause: what the archival typology assigns to military operations, expulsion orders, and fear.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
Israeli Jewish support for a detailed final-status package measured 25% in the September 2024 joint survey. What the rest of the record holds.
The army was named by order of Israel’s Provisional Government on 26 May 1948. What the legal record, the army’s own code and coded corpora show.
In a 2022 JPPI survey, 47% of Israeli Jews called the claim highly accurate. What the surveys, the army’s own code and its own investigation counts record.
Six moral grounds recur in the named literature on Palestinian return, from corrective justice to peoplehood. What each text actually says.
One clause of the 1973 Apartheid Convention names the right to return. What the treaty text, Resolution 194 and Israel’s enacted records hold.
Israel’s Law of Return, its 1952 Citizenship Law, the court record on family reunification, and why four published refugee counts differ by millions.
The 2018 Basic Law’s eleven clauses, the 2021 High Court ruling that upheld it, and what Israel’s own statistical registers count.
The 2018 Basic Law’s Article 1(c) makes national self-determination exclusive to the Jewish People. What the text, the vote and the ruling record.
No treaty body names one. What the 1989 criteria, the 2007 UN vote and the two official statistical registers actually record.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
4,780,978 enumerated in 2017: what the censuses, Israel’s own counts and the named scholarship record about continuity of presence.
Three published definitions of antisemitism split on boycotts. What the texts, the official adoptions and the survey record actually state.
Roughly 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in 1947 to 1949, per Morris’s archival history. What the archives, statutes and recorded votes hold.
Published shares of Jewish landholding at the end of the Mandate run from 2.1% to 7.6%. Reading the registers, the purchases and the 1948 instruments.
The published apartheid arguments rest on a three-element treaty test. What each element claims, and what the primary records hold.
Geneva Convention IV names torture of protected persons a grave breach. What the treaty text, Israel’s court rulings and its own counts record.
Four named bodies have issued findings of systematic attacks since 2023. What the treaty standard requires, and what Israel’s own investigation counts record.
The 1973 Apartheid Convention names the right to a nationality once. What the treaty text, the dated determinations and Israel’s own records hold.
Israel has held the West Bank and East Jerusalem since June 1967. What the treaty texts, court records and official statistics document.
Three moral conclusions the colonial framing draws, the named texts that draw them, where those texts split, and what Israel’s own enacted records say.
No tribunal outside Israel has ruled on the 2018 nation-state law. What the enacted text, ICERD’s definition and the 2021 judgment hold.
Two documents enumerate four and five characteristics. What the treaty definition, the census counts and Israel’s own statistics record about each.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
The Genocide Convention sets no threshold count. What the recorded tolls, the peer-reviewed survey estimate and the court record show.
Four determinations apply the term between 2021 and 2022, none of them judicial. What the treaty text, the enacted law and the court record hold.
Three treaties define apartheid differently. What each requires, which ones Israel has ratified, and what the one judicial instrument on record held.
The 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, the Supreme Court upheld it in 2021, and Israel’s own statistics count 2.13 million Arab citizens.
The 1948 Genocide Convention lists five acts. Which bodies say the Gaza pattern meets that standard, and what Israel’s own records count.
Israel’s own count records 2.13 million Arab citizens and residents. What the statutes, the 1949 refugee record and the scholarship hold.
The characterization traces to a 1973 treaty definition and to determinations published between January 2021 and February 2022. What each record holds.
What a 2024 UK tribunal ruled, what the ADL and INSS standards set as the line, and what coded discourse studies measure about self-determination.
No court has entered a verdict. What the warrants, the treaty standards, the named findings and the parties’ own counts record.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
Gaza’s health ministry recorded 236,505 dead and injured by October 2025. What each count measures, and what each party publishes.
What coded corpora, two recorded UN votes and national incident records show about the word Zionist used as an accusation.
Israel’s 2018 Basic Law, the Levy and Sasson reviews, and the Palestinian census records, set against the river-to-sea reading of Zionism’s stated end.
The 1948 Declaration, the 2018 Basic Law passed 62 to 55, and two Supreme Court rulings: what the dated documents behind the claim actually say.
Israel’s Nation-State Basic Law passed 62 to 55 in 2018 with no equality clause. What the enacted texts, commissioned reviews and court rulings record.
Two statistical agencies count two populations on one small territory: 878 persons per km² in 2021, 5,853 in Gaza, 10.148 million in Israel.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
Seven Israeli laws carry the label. One is a Basic Law, passed 62 to 55 in July 2018 and upheld 10 to 1 by the Supreme Court in July 2021.
The research does not settle whether anti-Zionism is antisemitism. A mediation model explains more than 55% of the variance in anti-Israel attitudes.
Antisemitic expression rises alongside conflict, not necessarily from it: the October 7 spike hit within minutes, with parallel rises at earlier flashpoints.