79 results for “ADL”
Israel’s energy minister halted the last grid line on 9 March 2025, and Israel’s own aid portal records zero entry from 2 March to 19 May 2025.
WHO counts 7,841 Gaza medical evacuations to September 2025, most before May 2024. Israel reports approving 98% of submitted requests.
The list of 15 former Israeli leaders names 14. Six apply the word to the present; the rest warn, use other words, or trace to someone else.
The plan’s only statehood clause says conditions “may” allow a pathway. What the Council text, the 1933 criteria and each party’s own words record.
Four dated texts from 1885 to 1919 state the objection in their authors’ own words, against Pew’s measured shares and Israel’s own enacted law.
Palestinians used 86.3 litres of water a day in 2021 against a 100-litre reference, and bought 22% of their water from Israel’s national utility.
The occupation dates to June 1967, 59 years by 2026. What the military orders, Oslo II and Israel’s own court record show about its length.
South Africa took 35% of Israel’s security exports in the late 1970s. What the 1975 records, the 2010 denial and the historians show.
The one target card Israel has published lists a family at the target. What it, and Israel’s rules on warnings, show about NAZA’s claim.
The term attaches to named parcels of territory, not to a state. What the instruments, Israel’s own court record and each population register show.
Four registers count the occupation’s human cost across different territories and years. What each one measures, and where the counting stops.
The Palestinian bureau recorded 5,853 people per square kilometre in Gaza. What both statistical registers count, and where they disagree.
Article 16 sets two cumulative conditions for complicity. United States arms law uses neither, and names international humanitarian law nowhere.
The duty not to recognize or assist is stated outright in a text never opened for signature. What the treaty sentence and the export statutes actually say.
Article 68 of the Ottoman Land Code says fallow land becomes the right of Tapu, not that it reverts to the state. Reading the articles as enacted.
Two dated 2026 Palestinian statements set against a survey of 1,270 people that recorded 44% support and 50% opposition on a bare two-state item.
The 1.5% to 3.8% accuracy claim traces to one uncited sentence in a Lancet letter. What the Gaza health ministry publishes about its own lists.
One register counts Gaza’s children as children: the Gaza Ministry of Health’s, at 15,613 of 50,021. What its own documents record, and what Israel’s do not.
The Ministry of Health in Gaza published 21,323 named records to 29 March 2024. What its four lists hold, what it excludes, and what no column records.
Quinnipiac recorded 50% of 1,220 registered voters saying Israel is committing genocide. YouGov moved the yes share 8 points by changing one noun.
The 1995 Interim Agreement splits the West Bank into three jurisdictions and assigns title to none of them. What the governing instruments say.
Naming the documents behind “UN reports say” on children in Gaza: 68.2% of 475 schools damaged in 46 days, and where each relayed figure was produced.
What the 1995 Interim Agreement, two Israeli outpost judgments and a 1933 treaty actually say about settlements, Area C jurisdiction and statehood.
What the registers, censuses, audits and court files record about the machinery a Palestinian state would run on, and where the record holds nothing.
Israel’s own register, EU planning and demolition data, the two totals that diverge by 18,518 units, and where the label is disputed but the counts are not.
Named definitions, the 711,000 to 774,000 refugee counts of 1949, and the dated scholarly dispute over what the term covers.
26.9% of UK media comments on the May 2021 escalation were coded antisemitic. What the corpora, incident records and surveys measure.
Aggression is a defined legal term with one deciding forum. What the 1974 definition, the recorded votes and each party’s own counts record.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
The 1948 displacement, cause by cause: what the archival typology assigns to military operations, expulsion orders, and fear.
ZOG is an acronym for a claim of hidden Jewish control of government. What the definitions, the measured online corpora and the public record hold.
In a 2022 JPPI survey, 47% of Israeli Jews called the claim highly accurate. What the surveys, the army’s own code and its own investigation counts record.
Four classes of evidence carry the settler-colonial reading of Zionism. What the named literature, the framework’s criteria and the enacted texts record.
A BBC investigation compiled 168 cases of children shot in Gaza, 95 in the head or chest. What the records establish and what they do not.
Israel’s Law of Return, its 1952 Citizenship Law, the court record on family reunification, and why four published refugee counts differ by millions.
The military’s own probe counted five warning signs on the night of 6 to 7 October. What each account of ignored warnings actually records.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
The official chronology, Hamas’s own stated rationale and the published assessments of what preceded the 7 October 2023 attack.
No treaty body names one. What the 1989 criteria, the 2007 UN vote and the two official statistical registers actually record.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
Three published definitions of antisemitism split on boycotts. What the texts, the official adoptions and the survey record actually state.
Campaign-finance filings, congressional travel disclosures, published coverage tallies and survey trends, and what each one actually records.
Four NGOs and two UN mandate bodies carry the war-crimes findings on Gaza; Israel’s own prosecutors report 74 investigations from 1,000+ referrals.
The published apartheid arguments rest on a three-element treaty test. What each element claims, and what the primary records hold.
No court has ruled on starvation as a method of war in Gaza. What the treaty text, the famine classification and Israel’s own aid counts record.
Four bodies issued deliberate-starvation determinations from 2023 to 2025; the judicial record reaches only reasonable grounds. What each figure measures.
Which settlement policies the apartheid determinations name, why the settler counts differ, and what Israel’s own statistics and the treaty texts record.
The Gaza Ministry of Health counted 274 killed in one 2024 raid; Israel’s military reports 74 investigations opened. What each record measures.
Two documents enumerate four and five characteristics. What the treaty definition, the census counts and Israel’s own statistics record about each.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Eight incidents recur across the published compilations, from April 1948 to October 2023. One produced a criminal conviction in an Israeli court.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
The Genocide Convention sets no threshold count. What the recorded tolls, the peer-reviewed survey estimate and the court record show.
Five dated determinations from 2023 to 2025, the standard each one applied, and the counts Israel and Gaza health officials each publish.
Israel’s West Bank settler count reached 503,732 in 2024; the Sinai was returned by treaty in 1982. What the statutes, votes and counts record.
Four Palestinian population statuses appear in the official records, each counted by a different body. What each one measures, and where the evidence thins.
The characterization traces to a 1973 treaty definition and to determinations published between January 2021 and February 2022. What each record holds.
Four determinations published between January 2021 and March 2022 carry the finding. What the treaty text requires, and what the records hold.
What a 2024 UK tribunal ruled, what the ADL and INSS standards set as the line, and what coded discourse studies measure about self-determination.
No court has entered a verdict. What the warrants, the treaty standards, the named findings and the parties’ own counts record.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
What coded corpora, two recorded UN votes and national incident records show about the word Zionist used as an accusation.
US coverage carries one direct-death registry. Named bodies challenge it in both directions: 41% underreporting in The Lancet, and a 41,000 civilian ceiling.
The State Department recorded 1,277 settler-violence incidents in 2023 and 1,442 Palestinians displaced. What each record and mapping actually counts.
Both AIPAC federal committees itemize donors with the FEC: $37,860,200 in 2024 super PAC spending, and where the disclosure chain stops.
The 2005 Sasson Report, the 2012 Levy Report, a 2016 High Court order and the UN inquiry: what each document records about outposts and enforcement.
Israel grew from 2 million to over 10 million; the West Bank and Gaza from 2 million to 5.4 million. The growth, and why the counts behind it are disputed.
The Israeli-Palestinian fertility gap fell from nearly four children per woman to under half a child between 1990 and 2024. The data, and the debate over why.
We asked ChatGPT and Reddit search the same 20 Rothschild questions. ChatGPT refuted the conspiracy every time; Reddit affirmed it about seven to one.
The FBI logged 1,938 anti-Jewish hate crimes in 2024 and the ADL logged 9,354. Two national counts, five times apart, read category by category to find the gap.
Three documented records, foreign funding, protest arrests, and antisemitic incidents, matched across 20 US campuses to see which ones actually move together.
A study of the conspiracy-of-power trope in two places: the top of search debunks it, while the conspiracy community where it lives affirms it about six times as often.
Antisemitism is mostly written in code, not slurs. This guide decodes the coded lexicon, shows how it evades detection, and tracks its measured rise.
A first-party study of the language in the 36 most-watched Israel-Gaza explainer videos: contested-claim verdicts, who is named the actor, and the words used for each side.
A first reading of the Institute’s search-attention tally: searches for the great replacement rose about 240% year over year, anti-Zionism about 209%.
The research does not settle whether anti-Zionism is antisemitism. A mediation model explains more than 55% of the variance in anti-Israel attitudes.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.
Antisemitic expression rises alongside conflict, not necessarily from it: the October 7 spike hit within minutes, with parallel rises at earlier flashpoints.