How does Israel use military orders to seize land? The 1967 order and the 1979 ruling
A 1979 Israeli Supreme Court judgment, a 1967 military order and a 2005 government review record how seizure orders take West Bank land.
37 results for “Gaza Campaign”
A 1979 Israeli Supreme Court judgment, a 1967 military order and a 2005 government review record how seizure orders take West Bank land.
Israel’s own documents name two Gaza war aims: the hostages and Hamas’s military capacity. Its counts, aid record and Knesset vote add detail.
Palestinians used 86.3 litres of water a day in 2021 against a 100-litre reference, and bought 22% of their water from Israel’s national utility.
Israel’s immigration law, its census boundary and its courts each treat the Jewish majority differently. What the statutes and the counts record.
The term attaches to named parcels of territory, not to a state. What the instruments, Israel’s own court record and each population register show.
The Palestinian bureau recorded 5,853 people per square kilometre in Gaza. What both statistical registers count, and where they disagree.
Naming the documents behind “UN reports say” on children in Gaza: 68.2% of 475 schools damaged in 46 days, and where each relayed figure was produced.
One peer-reviewed test estimated 64,260 traumatic-injury deaths against 37,877 reported; a research institute puts a civilian ceiling at 41,000.
26.9% of UK media comments on the May 2021 escalation were coded antisemitic. What the corpora, incident records and surveys measure.
Aggression is a defined legal term with one deciding forum. What the 1974 definition, the recorded votes and each party’s own counts record.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
UNICEF, a World Bank, EU and UN damage assessment and Israel’s own agencies each publish a different piece of the Gaza picture. What the dated counts record.
Three published definitions of antisemitism split on boycotts. What the texts, the official adoptions and the survey record actually state.
Campaign-finance filings, congressional travel disclosures, published coverage tallies and survey trends, and what each one actually records.
Roughly 700,000 Palestinians were displaced in 1947 to 1949, per Morris’s archival history. What the archives, statutes and recorded votes hold.
Four NGOs and two UN mandate bodies carry the war-crimes findings on Gaza; Israel’s own prosecutors report 74 investigations from 1,000+ referrals.
Four bodies issued deliberate-starvation determinations from 2023 to 2025; the judicial record reaches only reasonable grounds. What each figure measures.
Which settlement policies the apartheid determinations name, why the settler counts differ, and what Israel’s own statistics and the treaty texts record.
Deprivation figures, the 1948 Convention text, court orders and each party’s own aid counts on whether restrictions worsened conditions in Gaza.
The Gaza Ministry of Health counted 274 killed in one 2024 raid; Israel’s military reports 74 investigations opened. What each record measures.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Eight incidents recur across the published compilations, from April 1948 to October 2023. One produced a criminal conviction in an Israeli court.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
The 1948 Genocide Convention supplies the definition, the duty and the clause behind the Gaza case. What the record holds, article by article, dated.
The Genocide Convention sets no threshold count. What the recorded tolls, the peer-reviewed survey estimate and the court record show.
No court has ruled on a single strike. What UN determinations, satellite analysis and Israel’s own investigation counts each record, and what each measures.
A Lancet Global Health survey estimated 75,200 violent deaths in Gaza to January 2025; the health ministry has recorded 460 malnutrition deaths.
The 1948 Convention sets two elements, a UN commission found four of five acts in 2025, and no court has ruled on the merits.
No court has ruled. What the issued findings say, what the legal standard requires, and what the official population and military counts record.
Named bodies allege direct attacks on civilians. Israel’s military advocate reports 74 criminal investigations from over 1,000 referred incidents.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
The House passed the last standalone Israel bill 366 to 58, while 60% of Americans viewed Israel unfavorably. A 2016 agreement sets the dollar level.
In the research, Zionism is measured as support for a Jewish state, reached through anti-Israel attitudes and denial of Jewish self-determination, its closest proxy.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.