37 results for “Israeli-Palestinian Conflict”
The plan’s only statehood clause says conditions “may” allow a pathway. What the Council text, the 1933 criteria and each party’s own words record.
Israel’s founding text, statutes and census tie Jewish identity to the land; 45% of US Jews call caring about Israel essential to being Jewish.
Resolution 3236 of 1974 calls return an inalienable right. It passed 89 to 8 with 37 abstentions and restates a 1948 paragraph without its compensation clause.
Three UN resolutions across 22 years attach self-determination and statehood to the Palestinian people. None uses the treaty category of indigeneity.
Palestinians used 86.3 litres of water a day in 2021 against a 100-litre reference, and bought 22% of their water from Israel’s national utility.
An Israeli veterans’ group has collected accounts from over 1,000 soldiers since 2004. What a testimony archive can and cannot measure.
Israel collects the customs and VAT the World Bank calls the Palestinian Authority’s primary revenue source. What the signed texts and registers record.
Israel’s immigration law, its census boundary and its courts each treat the Jewish majority differently. What the statutes and the counts record.
The IDF says NAZA’s interviewees had to report what they saw. Its ethics code, the black-flag test and 74 investigations show what that means.
The term attaches to named parcels of territory, not to a state. What the instruments, Israel’s own court record and each population register show.
The transfer statements are letters and remarks; the 225,000 figure is British. What the pre-state record holds, document by document.
The Palestinian bureau recorded 5,853 people per square kilometre in Gaza. What both statistical registers count, and where they disagree.
What the 1995 Interim Agreement, two Israeli outpost judgments and a 1933 treaty actually say about settlements, Area C jurisdiction and statehood.
South Africa’s own state commission listed 120 apartheid Acts with dates; Israel’s record on the same dimensions is a different set of instruments.
COGAT’s own permit instrument sets a standing quota of 74,300 for construction work in Israel, publishes no total, and records no count of anyone who crossed.
One peer-reviewed test estimated 64,260 traumatic-injury deaths against 37,877 reported; a research institute puts a civilian ceiling at 41,000.
What the registers, censuses, audits and court files record about the machinery a Palestinian state would run on, and where the record holds nothing.
Israel’s Knesset can unseat a member by 90 of 120 votes and rejected Palestinian statehood 68 to 9. What the enacted record and the courts show.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
Israeli Jewish support for a detailed final-status package measured 25% in the September 2024 joint survey. What the rest of the record holds.
Historians date the formative period to 1882. What the Balfour text, the Mandate instrument, the 1937 commission and the official counts record.
What the Gaza Ministry of Health’s fatality records actually contain, what each party counts separately, and what no published list reconciles.
UNICEF, a World Bank, EU and UN damage assessment and Israel’s own agencies each publish a different piece of the Gaza picture. What the dated counts record.
An 1886 clash, a labor ratio, boundary and grazing disputes in the colony archives: what the dated record holds on early Zionist and Palestinian contact.
4,780,978 enumerated in 2017: what the censuses, Israel’s own counts and the named scholarship record about continuity of presence.
Gallup’s sympathies reading fell from 63% in 2010 to 46% in 2025. Which reasons offered for the shift carry a dated measurement, and which do not.
Eight incidents recur across the published compilations, from April 1948 to October 2023. One produced a criminal conviction in an Israeli court.
Six events recur in the allegations. What the 1982 recorded vote, the 1948 archives and each party’s own published counts state, dated.
One ministry counts families past a loss threshold and single strikes are recorded case by case; neighborhood-level erasure is described, not counted.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
US coverage carries one direct-death registry. Named bodies challenge it in both directions: 41% underreporting in The Lancet, and a 41,000 civilian ceiling.
Two statistical agencies count two populations on one small territory: 878 persons per km² in 2021, 5,853 in Gaza, 10.148 million in Israel.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
Israel grew from 2 million to over 10 million; the West Bank and Gaza from 2 million to 5.4 million. The growth, and why the counts behind it are disputed.
The Israeli-Palestinian fertility gap fell from nearly four children per woman to under half a child between 1990 and 2024. The data, and the debate over why.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.
Antisemitic expression rises alongside conflict, not necessarily from it: the October 7 spike hit within minutes, with parallel rises at earlier flashpoints.