30 results for “Targeting”
AIPAC’s super PAC reported $20.8 million opposing Democrats and $3.0 million opposing Republicans in the 2024 cycle. What the filings record.
Israel’s Shin Bet says Hamas invasion plans were detected in 2018 and 2022. What the IDF’s own review, a state audit and scholars say went wrong.
One state has filed a genocide case against Israel; others use the word in motions, speeches and scholarship. The dated record, with Israel’s own counts.
Israel’s own documents name two Gaza war aims: the hostages and Hamas’s military capacity. Its counts, aid record and Knesset vote add detail.
A 1919 anti-Zionist petition, three antisemitism definitions, Israel’s statutes and a 1995 survey on rejecting a Jewish state versus rejecting Jews.
Israel’s stated test sets no fixed civilian toll. Reported thresholds, the IDF’s own procedures and both parties’ counts, read side by side.
Four dated texts from 1885 to 1919 state the objection in their authors’ own words, against Pew’s measured shares and Israel’s own enacted law.
Eight claims in the dispute over NAZA, the IDF record that would test each, and what has been published from it for this war.
The IDF says NAZA’s interviewees had to report what they saw. Its ethics code, the black-flag test and 74 investigations show what that means.
Israel’s own records back the IDF’s answer to NAZA with a map and cases, not a count. What they show about Hamas and civilian sites.
Two IDF clips show strikes diverted after the Gaza ceasefire began. What they, resolution 2803 and each party’s ledger show about how it held.
The IDF kept a 630-sector map of who stayed in Gaza. What it, Israel’s warning counts and IDF footage show about NAZA’s claim on populated areas.
The one target card Israel has published lists a family at the target. What it, and Israel’s rules on warnings, show about NAZA’s claim.
The IDF’s own definition of who may be attacked, its strike chart, 18 clips of its footage and Israel’s 2015 war report, set against NAZA’s claims.
What an IDF targeting presentation and 18 clips of IDF strike footage show about the documentary NAZA’s claim that civilian deaths were built into approvals.
The IDF’s nine targeting stages name no software. What they, its account of Habsora and Lavender, and 18 clips show about NAZA’s AI claim.
The 1948 Genocide Convention runs to 19 articles and none states a defence. Where self-defence sits instead, and which question each instrument answers.
One register counts Gaza’s children as children: the Gaza Ministry of Health’s, at 15,613 of 50,021. What its own documents record, and what Israel’s do not.
US law has barred assistance to governments that restrict humanitarian aid since 1996. What the entry counts and the site enumeration each measured.
A BBC investigation compiled 168 cases of children shot in Gaza, 95 in the head or chest. What the records establish and what they do not.
Three catalogued denial categories, Hamas’s own January 2024 text, the treaty clauses that answer them, and the monitoring counts that coincided.
Four named bodies apply the term and no tribunal has entered the finding. What Article 33, the relief-passage rules and each party’s counts record.
Israel’s military prosecutors report 74 criminal investigations; the wider war-crimes record is incident-level, dated and largely unadjudicated.
No court has ruled on a single strike. What UN determinations, satellite analysis and Israel’s own investigation counts each record, and what each measures.
The 1948 Genocide Convention lists five acts. Which bodies say the Gaza pattern meets that standard, and what Israel’s own records count.
Named bodies allege direct attacks on civilians. Israel’s military advocate reports 74 criminal investigations from over 1,000 referred incidents.
What a 2024 UK tribunal ruled, what the ADL and INSS standards set as the line, and what coded discourse studies measure about self-determination.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
What coded corpora, two recorded UN votes and national incident records show about the word Zionist used as an accusation.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.