44 results for “Security Assistance”
One state has filed a genocide claim against Israel at the World Court. Others used the word in speeches and motions; no register counts recognitions.
Israel’s energy minister halted the last grid line on 9 March 2025, and Israel’s own aid portal records zero entry from 2 March to 19 May 2025.
WHO counts 7,841 Gaza medical evacuations to September 2025, most before May 2024. Israel reports approving 98% of submitted requests.
Seven Gaza truces since 2008, each ended by an incident each side blamed on the other. What the dated record and the research on lulls show.
No state has published a recognition of sovereignty over East Jerusalem. What the recorded votes, the enacted texts and both bureaus’ counts show.
Three UN resolutions across 22 years attach self-determination and statehood to the Palestinian people. None uses the treaty category of indigeneity.
The occupation dates to June 1967, 59 years by 2026. What the military orders, Oslo II and Israel’s own court record show about its length.
UNESCO has verified damage to 164 heritage sites in Gaza as of March 2026. What the treaty elements require, and what has actually been charged and tried.
South Africa took 35% of Israel’s security exports in the late 1970s. What the 1975 records, the 2010 denial and the historians show.
Four registers count the occupation’s human cost across different territories and years. What each one measures, and where the counting stops.
Article 16 sets two cumulative conditions for complicity. United States arms law uses neither, and names international humanitarian law nowhere.
The duty not to recognize or assist is stated outright in a text never opened for signature. What the treaty sentence and the export statutes actually say.
The 1948 Genocide Convention runs to 19 articles and none states a defence. Where self-defence sits instead, and which question each instrument answers.
Naming the documents behind “UN reports say” on children in Gaza: 68.2% of 475 schools damaged in 46 days, and where each relayed figure was produced.
What the 1995 Interim Agreement, two Israeli outpost judgments and a 1933 treaty actually say about settlements, Area C jurisdiction and statehood.
US law has barred assistance to governments that restrict humanitarian aid since 1996. What the entry counts and the site enumeration each measured.
What the registers, censuses, audits and court files record about the machinery a Palestinian state would run on, and where the record holds nothing.
Four instruments carry the right-of-return claim. One is a ratified treaty, and the 1948 resolution passed 35 to 15 with 8 abstentions.
Israel’s parliament voted 68 to 9 against Palestinian statehood in July 2024. What the recorded votes and the law of occupation each hold.
The United Democracy Project reported $37,860,200 in 2024-cycle independent expenditures. What the filings and the roll calls record.
No dataset ranks who blocks peace. What the record holds: each party’s stated conditions, a 2018 Basic Law, a 2021 ruling and four recorded votes.
Three conditions partition requires, read against Israel’s and the Palestinian Authority’s own published counts, the enacted texts and the recorded votes.
Israeli Jewish support for a detailed final-status package measured 25% in the September 2024 joint survey. What the rest of the record holds.
ZOG is an acronym for a claim of hidden Jewish control of government. What the definitions, the measured online corpora and the public record hold.
The illegality finding traces to one sentence of the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention. What the clause says, and where the reading is disputed.
Israel’s Law of Return, its 1952 Citizenship Law, the court record on family reunification, and why four published refugee counts differ by millions.
UNICEF, a World Bank, EU and UN damage assessment and Israel’s own agencies each publish a different piece of the Gaza picture. What the dated counts record.
Two channels, two sets of filings: what the campaign finance record shows about AIPAC-affiliated money in congressional races, and what it never records.
Campaign-finance filings, congressional travel disclosures, published coverage tallies and survey trends, and what each one actually records.
Four named bodies apply the term and no tribunal has entered the finding. What Article 33, the relief-passage rules and each party’s counts record.
Four NGOs and two UN mandate bodies carry the war-crimes findings on Gaza; Israel’s own prosecutors report 74 investigations from 1,000+ referrals.
No court has ruled on starvation as a method of war in Gaza. What the treaty text, the famine classification and Israel’s own aid counts record.
Four bodies issued deliberate-starvation determinations from 2023 to 2025; the judicial record reaches only reasonable grounds. What each figure measures.
Deprivation figures, the 1948 Convention text, court orders and each party’s own aid counts on whether restrictions worsened conditions in Gaza.
The Gaza Ministry of Health counted 274 killed in one 2024 raid; Israel’s military reports 74 investigations opened. What each record measures.
The 1948 Genocide Convention supplies the definition, the duty and the clause behind the Gaza case. What the record holds, article by article, dated.
The dignity phrasing traces to one 2008 humanitarian assessment. What the published characterizations, the treaty text and each party’s counts hold.
Israel’s own 2014 classification, an internal military database, a Lancet household survey and the Gaza health ministry tally, set side by side.
Recorded votes, FEC filings and ethics disclosures on AIPAC funding and how Congress votes on Israel security assistance.
Three instruments, two archive-based histories and one recorded vote: what the texts and counts behind the 1948 displacement actually say.
The House passed the last standalone Israel bill 366 to 58, while 60% of Americans viewed Israel unfavorably. A 2016 agreement sets the dollar level.
Both AIPAC federal committees itemize donors with the FEC: $37,860,200 in 2024 super PAC spending, and where the disclosure chain stops.
Israel’s Foreign Ministry states two war objectives and names no third. The rest of the record is counts, nearly all published by a party to the events.
A corpus study of 1,976 Gaza-war headlines: only 19% depict a violent act, and when one names an actor it is Israel 80% of the time and no one 23%.